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@article{wolkenstein2024,
author = {Fabio Wolkenstein},
title ={Revisiting the constructivist turn in political representation},

journal = {European Journal of Political Theory},
volume = {23},
number = {2},
pages = {277-287},
year = {2024},
doi = {10.1177/14748851211055951},

URL = { 
    
        https://doi.org/10.1177/14748851211055951
    
    

},
eprint = { 
    
        https://doi.org/10.1177/14748851211055951
    
    

}
,
    abstract = { In recent times, representation theory has become one of the most productive and interesting sub-fields in democratic theory. Arguably, the most important theoretical innovation are the so-called ‘constructivist’ approaches to political representation. These approaches play a central role in Creating Political Presence: The New Politics of Democratic Representation and The Constructivist Turn in Political Representation, two impressive volumes that take stock of the state of the art in representation theory. I discuss the two volumes by focusing on three broader and interconnected themes: the problem that constructivism is meant to respond to, the tendency of representation theorists to expand the possibilities of representation as broadly as possible, and the normative aspects of political representation and how constructivists deal with them. }
}


@incollection{esaiasson_communicative_2013,
	address = {Colchester},
	series = {{ECPR} {Studies} in {European} {Political} {Science}},
	title = {Communicative {Responsiveness} and {Other} {Central} {Concepts} in {Between}-{Election} {Democracy}},
	booktitle = {Between-{Election} {Democracy}: {The} {Representative} {Relationship} {After} {Election} {Day}},
	publisher = {ECPR Press},
	author = {Esaiasson, Peter and Gilljam, Mikael and Persson, Mikael},
	editor = {Narud, Hanne Marthe and Esaiasson, Peter},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {15--34},
}

@article{esaiasson2017responsiveness,
  title={Responsiveness beyond {Policy} {Satisfaction}: Does {It} {Matter} to {Citizens}?},
  author={Esaiasson, Peter and Gilljam, Mikael and Persson, Mikael},
  journal={Comparative Political Studies},
  volume={50},
  number={6},
  pages={739--765},
  year={2017},
  publisher={SAGE Publications Sage CA: Los Angeles, CA}
}


@article{zaslove2023populist,
  title={Populist {Democrats}? {Unpacking} the {Relationship} between {Populist} and {Democratic} {Attitudes} at the {Citizen} {Level}},
  author={Zaslove, Andrej and Meijers, Maurits},
  journal={Political Studies},
  pages={1-27},
  year={2023},
  publisher={SAGE Publications Sage UK: London, England}
}

@article{MALESKY_TODD_TRAN_2023, title={Can Elections Motivate Responsiveness in a Single-Party Regime? Experimental Evidence from Vietnam}, volume={117}, DOI={10.1017/S0003055422000879}, number={2}, journal={American Political Science Review}, author={Malesky, Edmund J. and Todd, Jason Douglas and Tran, Anh}, year={2023}, pages={497–517}} <div></div>

@inbook{CastiglioneWarren2019,
url = {https://doi.org/10.1515/9781474442626-004},
title = {2. Rethinking democratic representation: eight theoretical issues and a postscript},
booktitle = {The Constructivist Turn in Political Representation},
author = {Dario Castiglione and Mark E. Warren},
publisher = {Edinburgh University Press},
address = {Edinburgh},
pages = {21--47},
doi = {doi:10.1515/9781474442626-004},
isbn = {9781474442626},
year = {2019},
lastchecked = {2024-05-16}
}

@article{Wlezien2017,
author = {Wlezien, Christopher},
title = {Public Opinion and Policy Representation: On Conceptualization, Measurement, and Interpretation},
journal = {Policy Studies Journal},
volume = {45},
number = {4},
pages = {561-582},
keywords = {representative democracy, responsiveness, congruence, elections, inequality},
doi = {https://doi.org/10.1111/psj.12190},
url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/psj.12190},
eprint = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/psj.12190},
abstract = {Abstract The congruence between public preferences and public policy is of special importance in representative democracies. We want to know whether the public is getting the policies it wants and, if not, whose preferences are being represented. To directly evaluate congruence, scholars need to measure what the public wants in a particular policy area and then correctly match it to policy in that area. This is difficult to do. Not surprisingly, while much scholarship examines the congruence of positions, little research examines actual policy congruence. Even the work that there is on the subject offers limited information. In this paper, I assess what we can infer about congruence from the different scholarly traditions in the study of representation. I also consider prospects for research on the match between public preference inputs and public policy outputs, particularly when we cannot assess it directly.},
year = {2017}
}



@inbook { wassnemcok2020,
      author = "Hanna Wass and Miroslav Nemčok",
      title = "Chapter 26: What to Expect When You Are Expecting: Preferences for Representation among Voters and Political Elites",
      booktitle = "Research Handbook on Political Representation",
      year = "2020",
      publisher = "Edward Elgar Publishing",
      address = "Cheltenham, UK",
      isbn = "9781788977081",
      doi = "10.4337/9781788977098.00035",
      url = "https://www.elgaronline.com/view/edcoll/9781788977081/9781788977081.00035.xml"
}

@inbook{Manin_Przeworski_Stokes_1999, place={Cambridge}, series={Cambridge Studies in the Theory of Democracy}, title={Elections and Representation}, booktitle={Democracy, Accountability, and Representation}, publisher={Cambridge University Press}, author={Manin, Bernard and Przeworski, Adam and Stokes, Susan C.}, editor={Przeworski, Adam and Stokes, Susan C. and Manin, BernardEditors}, year={1999}, pages={29–54}, collection={Cambridge Studies in the Theory of Democracy}} <div></div>

@article{benjamini1995controlling,
	author = {Benjamini, Yoav and Hochberg, Yosef},
	date-added = {2024-05-14 21:06:25 +0100},
	date-modified = {2024-05-14 21:06:25 +0100},
	journal = {Journal of the Royal statistical society: series B (Methodological)},
	number = {1},
	pages = {289--300},
	publisher = {Wiley Online Library},
	title = {Controlling the false discovery rate: a practical and powerful approach to multiple testing},
	volume = {57},
	year = {1995}}

@article{Boggild2016,
	abstract = {Politicians' desire for reelection motivates them to be responsive to voters' policy preferences. In the traditional view, voters choose between candidates based on their delivery of favorable outcomes such as ideologically appealing policies or a prospering economy. However, research in psychology shows that, in addition to outcomes, people care about procedural fairness and, particularly, impartial decision-makers who make decisions without personal motives and interests. This, I argue, confronts politicians with a delicate task: politicians must present voters with favorable policy outcomes but without appearing as if they pursue these policies based on a personal, vote-maximizing motive for reelection. In four survey experiments, I find support for this argument. Participants were significantly less inclined to trust and vote for politicians and support their policies when political decisions were described as motivated by reelection considerations than when no such motive was present. The findings advance our understanding of how citizens view political representation and have important implications for research on public opinion, legislative behavior, and democratic theory.},
	author = {B{\o}ggild, Troels},
	doi = {10.1111/pops.12303},
	file = {:Users/wratil/Library/Mobile Documents/com$\sim$apple$\sim$CloudDocs/Mendeley Literature/B{\o}ggild - 2016 - How Politicians' Reelection Efforts Can Reduce Public Trust, Electoral Support, and Policy Approval.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14679221},
	journal = {Political Psychology},
	keywords = {policy support,political trust,pork barrel spending,procedural fairness,procedural justice},
	mendeley-groups = {PhD Thesis/Operationalizing Multidimensional Representation},
	number = {6},
	pages = {901--919},
	title = {{How Politicians' Reelection Efforts Can Reduce Public Trust, Electoral Support, and Policy Approval}},
	volume = {37},
	year = {2016},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12303}}

@article{Dassonneville2021a,
	abstract = {Different people have different views about what elected representatives should do in a democracy. Some people think legislators should follow their own conscience (personal view), others think they should do what the majority of citizens in their constituency want (view of the constituency), and yet others think they should do what they promised during the election campaign (campaign promise). Sometimes, these considerations converge, that is, the legislator is personally in favor of a proposed legislation, he or she promised to vote for that legislation in the previous election campaign, and there is majority support for it in the legislator's constituency. However, which of these consideration(s) should matter the most when there is a conflict? Using an experimental design, we ascertain how these principles of representation affect citizens' views about how legislators should vote on a salient policy (immigration). Of the three styles of representation, we find that citizens pay the greatest attention to the state of public opinion in their constituency.},
	author = {Dassonneville, Ruth and Blais, Andr{\'{e}} and Sevi, Semra and Daoust, Jean Fran{\c{c}}ois},
	doi = {10.1111/lsq.12275},
	file = {:Users/wratil/Library/Mobile Documents/com$\sim$apple$\sim$CloudDocs/Mendeley Literature/Dassonneville et al. - 2021 - How Citizens Want Their Legislator to Vote.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {19399162},
	journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
	keywords = {Canada,democracy,immigration,promise keeping,representation styles,trustee and mandate},
	mendeley-groups = {PhD Thesis/Operationalizing Multidimensional Representation},
	number = {2},
	pages = {297--321},
	title = {{How Citizens Want Their Legislator to Vote}},
	volume = {46},
	year = {2021},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12275}}

@article{Schildkraut2013,
	abstract = {Non-naturalized immigrants cannot vote in the United States, but elected officials still represent them and craft policies that affect them. Immigrants are included in the Census, which determines apportionment. The elected representatives of immigrants are, theoretically, obligated to represent their needs and interests. The question this study investigates is whether immigrants feel that such representation is happening. If not, are the reasons they offer unique to their status as immigrants or ethnic minorities, or do they offer the same reasons that whites and citizens do for feeling unrepresented (i.e. that-special interests‖ dominate electoral politics)? Do they feel that non-electoral entities, such as the media, better represent their interests in the public sphere? What qualities do they look for when deciding whether to support a candidate? In this study, I investigate these and other questions about representation by analyzing results from focus groups with Latino immigrants. In so doing, I investigate immigrants' own views of the rights and responsibilities that accompany their unique status as a complicated constituency within American representative democracy. The results highlight similarities with existing research on white native born attitudes about representation but also areas in which immigrants are both more pessimistic and more optimistic. They also indicate that immigration is the central element of the participants' social identity when they assess political representation. When thinking about what it means to be a constituent, their identity as immigrants was routinely invoked, while their identities as Latinos, Salvadorans, Brazilians, or as Spanish speakers were absent from the conversation.},
	author = {Schildkraut, Deborah J.},
	doi = {10.1080/21565503.2012.757445},
	file = {:Users/wratil/Library/Mobile Documents/com$\sim$apple$\sim$CloudDocs/Mendeley Literature/Schildkraut - 2013 - The Complicated Constituency A Study of Immigrant Opinions about Political Representation.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {2156-5503},
	journal = {Politics, Groups and Identities},
	mendeley-groups = {PhD Thesis/Operationalizing Multidimensional Representation},
	month = {mar},
	number = {1},
	pages = {26--47},
	publisher = {Informa UK Limited},
	title = {{The Complicated Constituency: A Study of Immigrant Opinions about Political Representation}},
	volume = {1},
	year = {2013},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2012.757445}}

@book{Rahat2018,
	abstract = {{The book examines two of the most prominent developments in contemporary democratic politics, party change and political personalization, and the relationship between them. It presents a broad-brush, cross-national comparison of these phenomena that covers around fifty years in twenty-six countries through the use of more than twenty indicators. It demonstrates that, behind a general trend of decline of political parties, there is much variance among countries. In some, party decline is moderate or even small, which may point to adaptation to the changing environments these parties operate in. In others, parties sharply decline. Most cases fall between these two poles. A clear general trend of personalization in politics is identified, but there are large differences among countries in its magnitude and manifestations. Surprisingly, the online world seems to supply parties with an opportunity to revive. When parties decline, personalization increases. Yet these are far from being perfect zero-sum relationships, which leaves room for the possibility that other political actors may step in when parties decline and that, in some cases, personalization may not hurt parties; it may even strengthen them. Personalization is a big challenge to parties. But parties were, are, and will remain a solution to the problem of collective action, of channeling personal energies to the benefit of the group. Thus they can cope with personalization and even use it to their advantage.}},
	author = {Rahat, Gideon and Kenig, Ofer},
	doi = {10.1093/oso/9780198808008.001.0001},
	isbn = {9780198808008},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{From Party Politics to Personalized Politics?: Party Change and Political Personalization in Democracies}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198808008.001.0001},
	year = {2018},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198808008.001.0001}}

@article{Karp2008a,
	abstract = {Although women appear to be less interested and less engaged in politics than men, some evidence suggests that the presence of women as candidates and office holders can help to stimulate political engagement among women. Using data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES), we investigate how the election of women in national legislatures influences women's political engagement and attitudes about the political process across 35 countries. We find that sex differences in political engagement as well as political attitudes are apparent in a large number of countries. We find also that female representation is positively associated with attitudes about the political process; however, these effects, while weak, are seen among both men and women. {\textcopyright} 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.},
	author = {Karp, Jeffrey A. and Banducci, Susan A.},
	doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2007.11.009},
	file = {:Users/wratil/Library/Mobile Documents/com$\sim$apple$\sim$CloudDocs/Mendeley Literature/Karp, Banducci - 2008 - When Politics Is Not Just A Man's Game Women's Representation and Political Engagement.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {02613794},
	journal = {Electoral Studies},
	keywords = {CSES,Contextual effects,Descriptive representation,Political participation},
	mendeley-groups = {PhD Thesis/Operationalizing Multidimensional Representation},
	number = {1},
	pages = {105--115},
	title = {{When Politics Is Not Just A Man's Game: Women's Representation and Political Engagement}},
	volume = {27},
	year = {2008},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2007.11.009}}

@article{Stauffer2021,
	abstract = {Theoretical work argues that citizens gain important symbolic benefits when they are represented by gender-inclusive institutions. Despite the centrality of this claim in the literature, empirical evidence is mixed. In this article, I argue that these mixed findings are - in part - because many Americans hold beliefs about women's inclusion that are out of step with reality. Leveraging variation in survey respondents' beliefs about women's representation, I examine how these perceptions influence attitudes toward Congress and state legislatures. In both cases, I find that believing women are included is associated with higher levels of external efficacy among both men and women. Using panel data, I then show that when citizens' underestimations (overestimations) are corrected, their levels of efficacy increase (decrease), shedding further light on this relationship. The findings presented in this research add new theoretical insights into when, and how, Americans consider descriptive representation when evaluating the institutions that represent them.},
	author = {Stauffer, Katelyn E.},
	doi = {10.1017/S0003055421000678},
	file = {:Users/wratil/Library/Mobile Documents/com$\sim$apple$\sim$CloudDocs/Mendeley Literature/Stauffer - 2021 - Public Perceptions of Women's Inclusion and Feelings of Political Efficacy.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15375943},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	mendeley-groups = {PhD Thesis/Operationalizing Multidimensional Representation},
	number = {4},
	pages = {1226--1241},
	title = {{Public Perceptions of Women's Inclusion and Feelings of Political Efficacy}},
	volume = {115},
	year = {2021},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055421000678}}

@article{Clayton2019,
	author = {Clayton, Amanda and O'Brien, Diana Z. and Piscopo, Jennifer M.},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	mendeley-groups = {Teaching/Vienna/M7 Political Representation},
	number = {1},
	pages = {113--129},
	title = {{All Male Panels? Representation and Democratic Legitimacy}},
	volume = {63},
	year = {2019}}

@article{Arnesen2018,
	abstract = {We examine how descriptive representation, formal representation, and responsiveness affect the legitimacy of political decisions: Who are the representatives, how are they selected, what is the outcome of the decision-making process, and to what extent do these three aspects matter for decision acceptance among the citizens? We examine this from the citizens' perspective, and ask whether decisions are perceived as more legitimate when they are made by groups that reflect society in certain characteristics and chosen according to certain selection procedures. In a Norwegian survey experiment, we find that people are more willing to accept a decision when it is made by a group of people like them, and who are assigned as decision makers based on their expertise. Descriptive representation also serves as a cushion for unfavorable decisions. Moreover, when asked, the traditionally less advantaged groups tend to value descriptive representation more than other citizens.},
	author = {Arnesen, Sveinung and Peters, Yvette},
	doi = {10.1177/0010414017720702},
	issn = {15523829},
	journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
	keywords = {democratic theory,descriptive representation,experimental research,political legitimacy,survey design},
	number = {7},
	pages = {868--899},
	title = {{The Legitimacy of Representation: How Descriptive, Formal, and Responsiveness Representation Affect the Acceptability of Political Decisions}},
	volume = {51},
	year = {2018},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414017720702}}

@article{Gay2002,
	abstract = {Research on black representation in Congress emphasizes the material gains associated with black office holding over the intangible goods associated with citizens' ability to identify racially with their legislators. This article considers the effect of descriptive representation on the relationships among citizens, legisla? tors, and the Congress. With data from the 1980-1998 ANES, I show that whites and blacks differ in the value they place on descriptive repre? sentation. White constituents more favorably assess and are more likely to contact representatives with whom they racially identify. This tendency is partially explained by racial differences in legislators' ideological profiles, but also reflects extrapolicy and explicit racial concems. Black con? stituents place less significance on descriptive representation, although they are more likely to contact black representatives. Although the relation? ships between legislators and their constituents are influenced by race, perceptions of Congress as an institution are not affected by constituents' ability to identify racially with their representatives.},
	author = {Gay, Claudine},
	doi = {10.2307/3088429},
	file = {:Users/wratil/Library/Mobile Documents/com$\sim$apple$\sim$CloudDocs/Mendeley Literature/Gay - 2002 - Spirals of Trust The Effect of Descriptive Representation on the Relationship between Citizens and Their Government.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00925853},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	mendeley-groups = {PhD Thesis/Operationalizing Multidimensional Representation},
	number = {4},
	pages = {717--732},
	title = {{Spirals of Trust? The Effect of Descriptive Representation on the Relationship between Citizens and Their Government}},
	volume = {46},
	year = {2002},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.2307/3088429}}

@article{Acharya2018,
	abstract = {Researchers investigating causal mechanisms in survey experiments often rely on nonrandomized quantities to isolate the indirect effect of treatment through these variables. Such an approach, however, requires a ``selection-on-observables'' assumption, which undermines the advantages of a randomized experiment. In this paper, we show what can be learned about casual mechanisms through experimental design alone. We propose a factorial design that provides or withholds information on mediating variables and allows for the identification of the overall average treatment effect and the controlled direct effect of treatment fixing a potential mediator. While this design cannot identify indirect effects on its own, it avoids making the selection-on-observable assumption of the standard mediation approach while providing evidence for a broader understanding of causal mechanisms that encompasses both indirect effects and interactions. We illustrate these approaches via two examples: one on evaluations of US Supreme Court nominees and the other on perceptions of the democratic peace.},
	author = {Acharya, Avidit and Blackwell, Matthew and Sen, Maya},
	doi = {10.1017/pan.2018.19},
	file = {:Users/wratil/Library/Mobile Documents/com$\sim$apple$\sim$CloudDocs/Mendeley Literature/Acharya, Blackwell, Sen - 2018 - Analyzing Causal Mechanisms in Survey Experiments.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1047-1987},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	keywords = {causal inference,randomized experiments,survey experiments},
	mendeley-groups = {PhD Thesis/Methodology/Survey Experiments,PhD Thesis/Methodology/Opinion Surveys/Experiments and Causal Inference},
	number = {04},
	pages = {357--378},
	title = {{Analyzing Causal Mechanisms in Survey Experiments}},
	volume = {26},
	year = {2018},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/pan.2018.19}}

@article{Canes-Wrone2004,
	author = {Canes-Wrone, Brandice and Shotts, Kenneth W.},
	doi = {10.1111/j.0092-5853.2004.00096.x},
	file = {:Users/wratil/Library/Mobile Documents/com$\sim$apple$\sim$CloudDocs/Mendeley Literature/Canes-Wrone, Shotts - 2004 - The Conditional Nature of Presidential Responsiveness to Public Opinion.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {0092-5853},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	keywords = {congruence,issue variation,responsiveness},
	mendeley-groups = {PhD Thesis/Core topics/Opinion-Policy Link/Hypotheses,PhD Thesis/Core topics/Opinion-Policy Link,Teaching/Vienna/M7 Political Representation,PhD Thesis/Core topics/Opinion-Policy Link/Hypotheses/Electoral Uncertainty},
	mendeley-tags = {congruence,issue variation,responsiveness},
	month = {oct},
	number = {4},
	pages = {690--706},
	title = {{The Conditional Nature of Presidential Responsiveness to Public Opinion}},
	url = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/j.0092-5853.2004.00096.x},
	volume = {48},
	year = {2004},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/j.0092-5853.2004.00096.x},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0092-5853.2004.00096.x}}

@article{Stimson1995,
	author = {Stimson, James A. and MacKuen, Michael B. and Erikson, Robert S.},
	file = {PDF:/Users/christopherwratil/Zotero/storage/MNJZXH5L/1995-Dynamic_Representation.pdf:application/pdf},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {3},
	pages = {543--565},
	title = {{Dynamic Representation}},
	url = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/2082973},
	urldate = {2013-11-05},
	volume = {89},
	year = {1995},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/2082973}}

@book{erikson2002macro,
	author = {Erikson, Robert S. and MacKuen, Michael B. and Stimson, James A.},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {{The Macro Polity}},
	year = {2002}}

@article{Betz2021,
	abstract = {We identify a form of gender-based governmental discrimination that directly affects billions of women on a daily basis: the setting of import tariffs for gendered goods. These tax rates, which can differ across otherwise identical gender-specific products, often impose direct penalties on women as consumers. Comparing nearly 200,000 paired tariff rates on men's and women's apparel products in 167 countries between 1995 and 2015, we find that women suffer a tax penalty that varies systematically across countries. We demonstrate that in democracies, women's presence in the legislature is associated with decreased import tax penalties on women's goods. This finding is buttressed by a comparison of democracies and non-democracies and analyses of the implementation of legislative gender quotas. Our work highlights a previously unacknowledged government policy that penalizes women and also provides powerful evidence that descriptive representation can have a substantial, direct impact on discriminatory policies.},
	author = {Betz, Timm and Fortunato, David and O'Brien, Diana Z.},
	doi = {10.1017/S0003055420000799},
	issn = {15375943},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	mendeley-groups = {PhD Thesis/Operationalizing Multidimensional Representation},
	number = {1},
	pages = {307--315},
	title = {{Women's Descriptive Representation and Gendered Import Tax Discrimination}},
	volume = {115},
	year = {2021},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055420000799}}

@article{Alvarez2019,
	abstract = {Does attentiveness matter in survey responses? Do more attentive survey participants give higher quality responses? Using data from a recent online survey that identified inattentive respondents using instructed-response items, we demonstrate that ignoring attentiveness provides a biased portrait of the distribution of critical political attitudes and behavior. We show that this bias occurs in the context of both typical closed-ended questions and in list experiments. Inattentive respondents are common and are more prevalent among the young and less educated. Those who do not pass the trap questions interact with the survey instrument in distinctive ways: they take less time to respond; are more likely to report nonattitudes; and display lower consistency in their reported choices. Inattentiveness does not occur completely at random and failing to properly account for it may lead to inaccurate estimates of the prevalence of key political attitudes and behaviors, of both sensitive and more prosaic nature.},
	author = {Alvarez, R. Michael and Atkeson, Lonna Rae and Levin, Ines and Li, Yimeng},
	doi = {10.1017/pan.2018.57},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Library/Mobile Documents/com{\~{}}apple{\~{}}CloudDocs/Mendeley Literature/Alvarez et al. - 2019 - Paying Attention to Inattentive Survey Respondents.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14764989},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	keywords = {instructed-response items,list experiments,satisficing,sensitive questions,survey design,survey response,trap questions},
	mendeley-groups = {PhD Thesis/Operationalizing Multidimensional Representation},
	number = {2},
	pages = {145--162},
	title = {{Paying Attention to Inattentive Survey Respondents}},
	volume = {27},
	year = {2019},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/pan.2018.57}}

@article{Hainmueller2015,
	abstract = {Survey experiments, like vignette and conjoint analyses, are widely used in the social sciences to elicit stated preferences and study how humans make multidimensional choices. However, there is a paucity of research on the external validity of these methods that examines whether the determinants that explain hypothetical choices made by survey respondents match the determinants that explain what subjects actually do when making similar choices in real-world situations. This study compares results from conjoint and vignette analyses on which immigrant attributes generate support for naturalization with closely corresponding behavioral data from a natural experiment in Switzerland, where some municipalities used referendums to decide on the citizenship applications of foreign residents. Using a representative sample from the same population and the official descriptions of applicant characteristics that voters received before each referendum as a behavioral benchmark, we find that the effects of the applicant attributes estimated from the survey experiments perform remarkably well in recovering the effects of the same attributes in the behavioral benchmark. We also find important differences in the relative performances of the different designs. Overall, the paired conjoint design, where respondents evaluate two immigrants side by side, comes closest to the behavioral benchmark; on average, its estimates are within 2{\%} percentage points of the effects in the behavioral benchmark.},
	author = {Hainmueller, Jens and Hangartner, Dominik and Yamamoto, Teppei},
	doi = {10.1073/pnas.1416587112},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Library/Mobile Documents/com{\~{}}apple{\~{}}CloudDocs/Mendeley Literature/Hainmueller, Hangartner, Yamamoto - 2015 - Validating Vignette and Conjoint Survey Experiments against Real-World Behavior(2).pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0027-8424},
	issn = {1091-6490},
	journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America},
	keywords = {conjoint,public opinion,stated preferences,survey methodology,vignette},
	mendeley-groups = {PhD Thesis/Methodology/Populism Paper},
	number = {8},
	pages = {2395--2400},
	pmid = {25646415},
	title = {{Validating Vignette and Conjoint Survey Experiments against Real-World Behavior}},
	url = {http://www.pnas.org/content/112/8/2395.short},
	volume = {112},
	year = {2015},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://www.pnas.org/content/112/8/2395.short},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1416587112}}

@incollection{Barker2012,
	address = {Oxford},
	author = {Barker, David C. and Carman, Christopher Jan},
	booktitle = {Representing Red and Blue},
	doi = {10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199796564.003.0002},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Library/Mobile Documents/com{\~{}}apple{\~{}}CloudDocs/Mendeley Literature/Barker, Carman - 2012 - How Do We Want to Be Represented How Do We Differ.pdf:pdf},
	mendeley-groups = {PhD Thesis/Operationalizing Multidimensional Representation},
	pages = {21--38},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{How Do We Want to Be Represented? How Do We Differ?}},
	year = {2012},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199796564.003.0002}}

@book{Patterson1975,
	address = {New York},
	author = {Patterson, Samuel C. and Hedlund, Ronald D. and Boynton, G. Robert},
	mendeley-groups = {PhD Thesis/Operationalizing Multidimensional Representation},
	publisher = {John Wiley},
	title = {{Representatives and Represented: Bases of Public Support for the American Legislatures}},
	year = {1975}}

@article{Boggild2020,
	abstract = {Public distrust in politicians is widespread across Western democracies. This general pattern suggests that the problem reflects dissatisfaction with not only government performance and misconduct?the main focus in existing research? but also how democratic politics is generally conducted. This article identifies a mismatch between the representation facilitated by modern democracies and the representation wanted by a majority of citizens. Because political representation is organized around cohesive parties, several institutions incentivize politicians to exhibit loyalty to party policy over other considerations (partisan representation). Observational and experimental data from three countries demonstrate that citizens generally perceive politicians as conducting partisan representation, but they prefer that politicians follow their own conscience (trustee representation) and constituency (delegate representation) over party policy. This mismatch translates into distrust in politicians, even in countries with strong norms for party discipline and among politicians' own party supporters. The findings have implications for understanding and counteracting political distrust.},
	author = {B{\o}ggild, Troels},
	doi = {10.1086/708681},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/boggild2020.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14682508},
	journal = {Journal of Politics},
	mendeley-groups = {PhD Thesis/Operationalizing Multidimensional Representation},
	number = {4},
	pages = {1517--1529},
	title = {{Politicians As Party Hacks: Party Loyalty and Public Distrust in Politicians}},
	volume = {82},
	year = {2020},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1086/708681}}

@article{costa2021ideology,
	author = {Costa, Mia},
	date-added = {2022-07-04 13:23:10 +0100},
	date-modified = {2022-07-04 13:23:10 +0100},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {2},
	pages = {342--358},
	publisher = {Wiley Online Library},
	title = {Ideology, not affect: What Americans want from political representation},
	volume = {65},
	year = {2021}}

@book{achen2017democracy,
	author = {Achen, Christopher H and Bartels, Larry M},
	booktitle = {Democracy for Realists},
	date-added = {2022-07-04 12:54:22 +0100},
	date-modified = {2022-07-04 12:54:22 +0100},
	publisher = {Princeton University Press},
	title = {{Democracy for Realists}},
	year = {2017}}

@book{neblo2018politics,
	author = {Neblo, Michael A and Esterling, Kevin M and Lazer, David MJ},
	booktitle = {Politics with the People: Building A Directly Representative Democracy},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {{Politics with the People: Building A Directly Representative Democracy}},
	year = {2018}}

@incollection{fearon1999electoral,
	address = {Cambridge},
	author = {Fearon, James D.},
	booktitle = {Democracy, {Accountability}, and {Representation}},
	editor = {Przeworski, Adam and Stokes, Susan C. and Manin, Bernard},
	file = {PDF:/Users/christopherwratil/Zotero/storage/FHJSBB58/1999-Electoral_Accountability_and_the_Control_of_Politicians_Selecting_Good_Types_vs._Sanctioning_Poor_Performance.pdf:application/pdf},
	pages = {55--97},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {Electoral {Accountability} and the {Control} of {Politicians}: {Selecting} {Good} {Types} vs. {Sanctioning} {Poor} {Performance}},
	year = {1999}}

@article{powell2013representation,
	author = {Powell, G Bingham},
	date-added = {2022-07-04 12:49:58 +0100},
	date-modified = {2022-07-04 12:49:58 +0100},
	journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
	number = {1},
	pages = {9--21},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {{Representation in Context: Election Laws and Ideological Congruence between Citizens and Governments}},
	volume = {11},
	year = {2013}}

@article{mansbridge2011clarifying,
	author = {Mansbridge, Jane},
	date-added = {2022-07-04 12:34:30 +0100},
	date-modified = {2022-07-04 12:34:30 +0100},
	journal = {American political science review},
	number = {3},
	pages = {621--630},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {Clarifying the concept of representation},
	volume = {105},
	year = {2011}}

@incollection{saward2019liminal,
	author = {Saward, Michael},
	booktitle = {Creating {Political} {Presence}: {The} {New} {Politics} of {Democratic} {Representation}},
	editor = {Castiglione, Dario and Pollak, Johannes},
	pages = {285--306},
	publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
	title = {Liminal {Representation}},
	year = {2019}}

@incollection{montanaro2019counts,
	author = {Montanaro, Laura},
	booktitle = {Creating {Political} {Presence}: {The} {New} {Politics} of {Democratic} {Representation}},
	editor = {Castiglione, Dario and Pollak, Johannes},
	pages = {195--212},
	publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
	title = {Who {Counts} as a {Democratic} {Representative}? {On} {Claims} of {Self}-{Appointed} {Representation}},
	year = {2019}}

@book{disch2021making,
	author = {Disch, Lisa Jane},
	date-added = {2022-07-04 12:02:37 +0100},
	date-modified = {2022-07-04 12:02:37 +0100},
	publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
	title = {Making Constituencies: Representation as Mobilization in Mass Democracy},
	year = {2021}}

@article{Wolkenstein2021,
	author = {Wolkenstein, Fabio and Wratil, Christopher},
	date-added = {2022-07-04 09:39:01 +0100},
	date-modified = {2022-07-04 09:39:49 +0100},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {4},
	pages = {862--876},
	publisher = {Wiley Online Library},
	title = {{Multidimensional Representation}},
	volume = {65},
	year = {2021}}

@article{stimson1995dynamic,
	author = {Stimson, James A. and MacKuen, Michael B. and Erikson, Robert S.},
	file = {PDF:/Users/christopherwratil/Zotero/storage/MNJZXH5L/1995-Dynamic_Representation.pdf:application/pdf},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {3},
	pages = {543--565},
	title = {{Dynamic Representation}},
	url = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/2082973},
	urldate = {2013-11-05},
	volume = {89},
	year = {1995},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/2082973}}

@book{soroka2010degrees,
	abstract = {This book develops and tests a "thermostatic" model of public opinion and policy, in which preferences for policy both drive and adjust to changes in policy. The representation of opinion in policy is central to democratic theory and everyday politics. So too is the extent to which public preferences are informed and responsive to changes in policy. The coexistence of both "public responsiveness" and "policy representation" is thus a defining characteristic of successful democratic governance, and the subject of this book. The authors examine both responsiveness and representation across a range of policy domains in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada. The story that emerges is one in which representative democratic government functions surprisingly well, though there are important differences in the details. Variations in public responsiveness and policy representation responsiveness are found to reflect the "salience" of the different domains and governing institutions - specifically, presidentialism (versus parliamentarism) and federalism (versus unitary government).},
	address = {Cambridge},
	annote = {Chapter 4: Public Preferences and Spending




Measuring public preferences (64)
-{\textgreater} spending preferences
-{\textgreater} relative preferences
--{\textgreater} "Do you think the government is spending too much, too little or about the right amount on X?" (64)
-{\textgreater} over time and across policy domains




What dimensionality of public preferences (75-78)
-{\textgreater} one primary dimension
-{\textgreater} some significant policy domains which are not captured by main dimension (crime, environment, space, foreign aid)




Measuring spending policy (78-87)
-{\textgreater} distinction between appropriation (reflecting decisions) and outlays (reflecting outputs) (e.g. increasing inflation)
-{\textgreater} federal vs. unitary government
-{\textgreater} structure of spending},
	author = {Soroka, Stuart N. and Wlezien, Christopher},
	isbn = {0-521-68789-6},
	keywords = {measuring policy, measuring public preferences},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {Degrees of {Democracy}: {Politics}, {Public} {Opinion}, and {Policy}},
	url = {http://books.google.co.uk/books/about/Degrees_of_democracy.html?id=UG9WAAAAYAAJ&pgis=1},
	urldate = {2013-11-04},
	year = {2010},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://books.google.co.uk/books/about/Degrees_of_democracy.html?id=UG9WAAAAYAAJ&pgis=1}}

@misc{wratil_blumenau_2021,
	author = {Wratil, Christopher and Blumenau, Jack and Wolkenstein, Fabio},
	date-added = {2021-06-19 00:33:43 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-06-19 00:35:32 +0100},
	month = {May},
	publisher = {OSF},
	title = {Pre-Analysis Plan for Preferences for Multidimensional Representation},
	url = {osf.io/mdwpt},
	year = {2021},
	bdsk-url-1 = {osf.io/mdwpt}}

@article{de2019improving,
	abstract = {Conjoint analysis has become popular among social scientists for measuring multidimensional preferences. When analyzing such experiments, researchers often focus on the average marginal component effect (AMCE), which represents the causal effect of a single profile attribute while averaging over the remaining attributes. What has been overlooked, however, is the fact that the AMCE critically relies upon the distribution of the other attributes used for the averaging. Although most experiments employ the uniform distribution, which equally weights each profile, both the actual distribution of profiles in the real world and the distribution of theoretical interest are often far from uniform. This mismatch can severely compromise the external validity of conjoint analysis. We empirically demonstrate that estimates of the AMCE can be substantially different when averaging over the target profile distribution instead of uniform. We propose new experimental designs and estimation methods that incorporate substantive knowledge about the profile distribution. We illustrate our methodology through two empirical applications, one using a real-world distribution and the other based on a counterfactual distribution motivated by a theoretical consideration. The proposed methodology is implemented through an open-source software package.},
	author = {{De La Cuesta}, Brandon and Egami, Naoki and Imai, Kosuke},
	doi = {10.1017/pan.2020.40},
	file = {:Users/wratil/Library/Mobile Documents/com$\sim$apple$\sim$CloudDocs/Mendeley Literature/De La Cuesta, Egami, Imai - 2022 - Improving the External Validity of Conjoint Analysis The Essential Role of Profile Distribution.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14764989},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	keywords = {causal inference,conjoint analysis,external validity,factorial experiments},
	mendeley-groups = {PhD Thesis/Methodology/Survey Experiments},
	number = {1},
	pages = {19--45},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {{Improving the External Validity of Conjoint Analysis: The Essential Role of Profile Distribution}},
	volume = {30},
	year = {2022},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/pan.2020.40}}

@article{neuner2020populist,
	author = {Neuner, Fabian G and Wratil, Christopher},
	date-added = {2021-06-19 00:02:02 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-06-19 00:02:02 +0100},
	journal = {Political Behavior},
	pages = {1--24},
	publisher = {Springer},
	title = {The Populist Marketplace: Unpacking the Role of ``Thin'' and ``Thick'' Ideology},
	year = {2020}}

@article{franchino2015voting,
	author = {Franchino, Fabio and Zucchini, Francesco},
	date-added = {2021-06-19 00:01:23 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-06-19 00:01:23 +0100},
	journal = {Political Science Research and Methods},
	number = {2},
	pages = {221},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {Voting in a multi-dimensional space: A conjoint analysis employing valence and ideology attributes of candidates},
	volume = {3},
	year = {2015}}

@article{carnes2016voters,
	author = {Carnes, Nicholas and Lupu, Noam},
	date-added = {2021-06-18 23:55:27 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-06-18 23:55:27 +0100},
	journal = {The American Political Science Review},
	number = {4},
	pages = {832},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {Do voters dislike working-class candidates? Voter biases and the descriptive underrepresentation of the working class},
	volume = {110},
	year = {2016}}

@article{hu1999cutoff,
	author = {Hu, Li-tze and Bentler, Peter M},
	date-added = {2021-05-06 10:03:09 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-05-06 10:03:09 +0100},
	journal = {Structural equation modeling: a multidisciplinary journal},
	number = {1},
	pages = {1--55},
	publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
	title = {Cutoff criteria for fit indexes in covariance structure analysis: Conventional criteria versus new alternatives},
	volume = {6},
	year = {1999}}

@article{hainmueller2019much,
	abstract = {Multiplicative interaction models are widely used in social science to examine whether the relationship between an outcome and an independent variable changes with a moderating variable. Current empirical practice tends to overlook two important problems. First, these models assume a linear interaction effect that changes at a constant rate with the moderator. Second, estimates of the conditional effects of the independent variable can be misleading if there is a lack of common support of the moderator. Replicating 46 interaction effects from 22 recent publications in five top political science journals, we find that these core assumptions often fail in practice, suggesting that a large portion of findings across all political science subfields based on interaction models are fragile and model dependent. We propose a checklist of simple diagnostics to assess the validity of these assumptions and offer flexible estimation strategies that allow for nonlinear interaction effects and safeguard against excessive extrapolation. These statistical routines are available in both R and STATA.},
	author = {Hainmueller, Jens and Mummolo, Jonathan and Xu, Yiqing},
	doi = {10.1017/pan.2018.46},
	file = {hainmueller_et_al2019.pdf:/Users/christopherwratil/Library/Mobile Documents/com~apple~CloudDocs/Postdoc/Literature/hainmueller_et_al2019.pdf:application/pdf},
	issn = {1047-1987, 1476-4989},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	language = {en},
	number = {2},
	pages = {163--192},
	shorttitle = {How {Much} {Should} {We} {Trust} {Estimates} from {Multiplicative} {Interaction} {Models}?},
	title = {How {Much} {Should} {We} {Trust} {Estimates} from {Multiplicative} {Interaction} {Models}? {Simple} {Tools} to {Improve} {Empirical} {Practice}},
	url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S1047198718000463/type/journal_article},
	urldate = {2023-04-27},
	volume = {27},
	year = {2019},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S1047198718000463/type/journal_article},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/pan.2018.46}}

@article{leeper2020more,
	abstract = {The nature of democratic governance is intimately connected with how citizens respond to candidate position taking. But when will a generally uninformed public base its vote choices on candidate positions? Since Converse scholars have argued that citizens should place greater weight on candidate positions on issues they consider personally important. However, this claim has received mixed empirical support. We revisit this question with compelling new evidence. First, we expand the limited temporal focus of existing work in our first study where we analyze all available ANES data on importance and issue voting between 1980 and 2008. We then overcome endogeneity concerns through a nationally representative conjoint experiment in which we randomize two candidate's positions on five issues. Results from both studies demonstrate that there is scant evidence that subjective issue importance consistently moderates the relationship between candidate positions and vote choices. We discuss the implications of these results for ``issue public'' theories of political engagement, for research on voting behavior, and for political representation.},
	author = {Leeper, Thomas J. and Robison, Joshua},
	doi = {10.1007/s11109-018-9494-0},
	file = {leeper_robison2020.pdf:/Users/christopherwratil/Library/Mobile Documents/com~apple~CloudDocs/Postdoc/Literature/leeper_robison2020.pdf:application/pdf},
	issn = {0190-9320, 1573-6687},
	journal = {Political Behavior},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	pages = {239--259},
	shorttitle = {More {Important}, but for {What} {Exactly}?},
	title = {More {Important}, but for {What} {Exactly}? {The} {Insignificant} {Role} of {Subjective} {Issue} {Importance} in {Vote} {Decisions}},
	url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11109-018-9494-0},
	urldate = {2023-04-27},
	volume = {42},
	year = {2020},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11109-018-9494-0},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-018-9494-0}}

@article{leeper2020measuring,
	author = {Leeper, Thomas J and Hobolt, Sara B and Tilley, James},
	file = {PDF:/Users/christopherwratil/Zotero/storage/T9L2XAJY/leeper_et_al2020.pdf:application/pdf},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	number = {2},
	pages = {207--221},
	title = {Measuring {Subgroup} {Preferences} in {Conjoint} {Experiments}},
	volume = {28},
	year = {2020}}

@article{abramson2022we,
	author = {Abramson, Scott F and Ko{\c{c}}ak, Korhan and Magazinnik, Asya},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {4},
	pages = {1008--1020},
	publisher = {Wiley Online Library},
	title = {What Do We Learn about Voter Preferences from Conjoint Experiments?},
	volume = {66},
	year = {2022}}

@article{grimmer2019causal,
	abstract = {Social scientists are often interested in low-dimensional, latent treatments within texts, such as the effect of a political speech's topic on voters' evalua- tion of the speech. However, even in controlled experiments, it is impossible to randomize directly on latent treatments. Rather, researchers must randomize at the text-level and hope this enables identification of the latent treatments' effects. We provide a set of sufficient assumptions for identifying the effects of latent treatments when they are not explicitly randomized, and explicate a previously implicit exclusion restriction. A need for an exclusion restriction is pervasive; it is used even in vignette survey experiments when the latent treat- ments are known beforehand rather than discovered from data. We provide a sensitivity analysis for whether particular confounders lead to a violation of the exclusion restriction and illustrate our framework and sensitivity analysis with an application to public approval of presidential statements.},
	author = {Fong, Christian and Grimmer, Justin},
	file = {grimmer_fong2021.pdf:/Users/christopherwratil/Zotero/storage/MT2EY3TA/grimmer_fong2021.pdf:application/pdf},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {2},
	pages = {374--389},
	title = {Causal {Inference} with {Latent} {Treatments}},
	volume = {67},
	year = {2023}}

@article{blumenauvariable,
	author = {Blumenau, Jack and Lauderdale, Benjamin E},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 13:16:42 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 13:16:55 +0100},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	pages = {1--16},
	title = {{The Variable Persuasiveness of Political Rhetoric}},
	year = {2022}}

@article{Zhirkov2021,
	abstract = {Conjoint experiments are quickly gaining popularity as a vehicle for studying multidimensional political preferences. A common way to explore heterogeneity of preferences estimated with conjoint experiments is by estimating average marginal component effects across subgroups. However, this method does not give the researcher the full access to the variation of preferences in the studied populations, as that would require estimating effects on the individual level. Currently, there is no accepted technique to obtain estimates of individual-level preferences from conjoint experiments. The present paper addresses this gap by proposing a procedure to estimate individual preferences as respondent-specific marginal component effects. The proposed strategy does not require any additional assumptions compared to the standard conjoint analysis, although some changes to the task design are recommended. Methods to account for uncertainty in resulting estimates are also discussed. Using the proposed procedure, I partially replicate a conjoint experiment on immigrant admission with recommended design adjustments. Then, I demonstrate how individual marginal component effects can be used to explore distributions of preferences, intercorrelations between different preference dimensions, and relationships of preferences to other variables of interest.},
	author = {Zhirkov, Kirill},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/pan.2021.4},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/zhirkov2021.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1047-1987},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	keywords = {conjoint analysis,heterogeneous effects,immigration,preference measurement,survey experi-},
	pages = {1--14},
	title = {{Estimating and Using Individual Marginal Component Effects from Conjoint Experiments}},
	year = {2021},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/pan.2021.4}}

@article{Wright2009,
	author = {Wright, Gerald C.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/wright1993.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {1},
	pages = {291--316},
	title = {{Errors in Measuring Vote Choice in the National Election Studies , 1952-88}},
	volume = {37},
	year = {1993}}

@unpublished{Wratila,
	author = {Wratil, Christopher and W{\"{a}}ckerle, Jens},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	title = {{Majority Representation and Public Legitimacy: Survey-Experimental Evidence from the European Union}}}

@article{Wolak2017,
	abstract = {When members of Congress neglect the needs of their districts or vote contrary to the wishes of their constituents, their public approval suffers. Does the same hold true for representatives at the state level? Using experiments, I explore whether people dole out similar rewards and penalties to state legislators and members of Congress for their successes and shortfalls in representing constituents. I find that a similar model of political accountability travels from national politics to state politics. People value policy representation, casework, and attention to the district as much from state legislators as they do from members of Congress.},
	author = {Wolak, Jennifer},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/lsq.12147},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Wolak - 2017 - Public Expectations of State Legislators.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {19399162},
	journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
	number = {2},
	pages = {175--209},
	title = {{Public Expectations of State Legislators}},
	volume = {42},
	year = {2017},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12147}}

@book{Williams2000,
	address = {Princeton},
	author = {Williams, Melissa S.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	pages = {330},
	publisher = {Princeton University Press},
	title = {{Voice, Trust, and Memory: Marginalized Groups and the Failings of Liberal Representation}},
	year = {2000}}

@article{Wangnerud2009,
	abstract = {This essay reviews two research programs. The first focuses on variations in the number of women elected to national parliaments in the world (descriptive representation), and the second focuses on effects of women's presence in parliament (substantive representation). The theory of the politics of presence (Phillips 1995) provides reasons for expecting a link between descriptive and substantive representation. The safest position would be to say that results are mixed when it comes to empirical support for the theory of the politics of presence. However, when a large number of studies covering a wide set of indicators on the importance of gender in the parliamentary process are piled together, the picture that emerges shows that female politicians contribute to strengthening the position of women's interests.},
	author = {W{\"{a}}ngnerud, Lena},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.11.053106.123839},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/w{\"{a}}ngnerud2009.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1094-2939},
	journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
	keywords = {established democracies,feminist,gender equality,s interests,women},
	number = {1},
	pages = {51--69},
	title = {{Women in Parliaments: Descriptive and Substantive Representation}},
	volume = {12},
	year = {2009},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.11.053106.123839}}

@article{VonSchoultz2016,
	abstract = {Using the Finnish National Election Study 2011 and the Finnish Candidate Study 2011, we explore congruence in the representational preferences of candidates and voters, the extent to which contextual- and individual-level characteristics are related to preferences and whether the effects of these factors are similar across both groups. The analysis concentrates on the focus of representation, further classified as (i) national representation of all citizens, (ii) geographical representation of one's own constituency, (iii) party representation and (iv) group-based interest representation. The results show that, while candidate and voter representational preferences largely overlap, the impacts of contextual factors, socioeconomic characteristics and ideological orientation that shape preferences are different for candidates and voters to some extent.},
	author = {{Von Schoultz}, Asa and Wass, Hanna},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1093/pa/gsv001},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Von Schoultz, Wass - 2016 - Beating Issue Agreement Congruence in the Representational Preferences of Candidates and Voters.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14602482},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	keywords = {Candidates,Congruence,District magnitude,Focus of representation,Representational roles,Voters},
	number = {1},
	pages = {136--158},
	title = {{Beating Issue Agreement: Congruence in the Representational Preferences of Candidates and Voters}},
	volume = {69},
	year = {2016},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsv001}}

@article{Vivyan2016b,
	abstract = {In many political systems legislators face a fundamental trade-off between allocating effort to constituency service and to national policy-making activities, respectively. How do voters want their elected representatives to solve this trade-off? This article provides new insights into this question by developing a conjoint analysis approach to estimating voters' preferences over their legislator's effort allocation. This approach is applied in Britain, where it is found that effort allocation has a significant effect on voter evaluations of legislators, even in a political system where other legislator attributes -- in particular, party affiliation -- might be expected to predominate. This effect is nonlinear, with voters generally preferring a moderate balance of constituency and national policy work. Preferences over legislator effort allocation are not well-explained by self-interest or more broadly by instrumental considerations. They are, however, associated with voters' local-cosmopolitan orientation, suggesting that heuristic reasoning based on underlying social dispositions may be more important in determining preferences over representative activities.},
	author = {Vivyan, Nick and Wagner, Markus},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12119},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop//Vivyan, Wagner - 2016 - House or Home Constituent Preferences over Legislator Effort Allocation.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14756765},
	journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
	keywords = {Conjoint analysis,Constituency service,Effort allocation,Home styles,Instrumental reasoning},
	number = {1},
	pages = {81--99},
	title = {{House or Home? Constituent Preferences over Legislator Effort Allocation}},
	volume = {55},
	year = {2016},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12119}}

@article{Vivyan2016a,
	abstract = {In many political systems legislators face a fundamental trade-off between allocating effort to constituency service and to national policy-making activities, respectively. How do voters want their elected representatives to solve this trade-off? This article provides new insights into this question by developing a conjoint analysis approach to estimating voters' preferences over their legislator's effort allocation. This approach is applied in Britain, where it is found that effort allocation has a significant effect on voter evaluations of legislators, even in a political system where other legislator attributes -- in particular, party affiliation -- might be expected to predominate. This effect is nonlinear, with voters generally preferring a moderate balance of constituency and national policy work. Preferences over legislator effort allocation are not well-explained by self-interest or more broadly by instrumental considerations. They are, however, associated with voters' local-cosmopolitan orientation, suggesting that heuristic reasoning based on underlying social dispositions may be more important in determining preferences over representative activities.},
	author = {Vivyan, Nick and Wagner, Markus},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12119},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Vivyan, Wagner - 2016 - House or Home Constituent Preferences over Legislator Effort Allocation(2).pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14756765},
	journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
	keywords = {Conjoint analysis,Constituency service,Effort allocation,Home styles,Instrumental reasoning},
	number = {1},
	pages = {81--99},
	title = {{House or Home? Constituent Preferences over Legislator Effort Allocation}},
	volume = {55},
	year = {2016},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12119}}

@article{Vivyan2012,
	abstract = {To hold their Members of Parliament individually accountable for their legislative behaviour, British voters would need to base their decision to vote for an MP at least partially on the extent to which the MP's legislative voting behaviour deviated from that of the MP's party leadership.Voters should evaluate this deviation contingent on their views of the party leadership.MP rebellion can signal that voter--MP congruence is greater than that of the voter and the MP's party leadership. In this article it is found that only constituents with negative attitudes toward the Labour government reward rebellious Labour MPs, albeit to a limited extent.A similar conditional association is not observed on a single issue: Iraq. The policy accountability of MPs is relatively weak and general rather than issue-specific},
	author = {Vivyan, Nick and Wagner, Markus},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2011.01998.x},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Vivyan, Wagner - 2012 - Do Voters Reward Rebellion The Electoral Accountability of MPs in Britain.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1475-6765},
	issn = {03044130},
	journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
	keywords = {Accountability,British politics,Legislative behaviour,Single-member districts,Voting behaviour},
	number = {2},
	pages = {235--264},
	title = {{Do Voters Reward Rebellion? The Electoral Accountability of MPs in Britain}},
	volume = {51},
	year = {2012},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2011.01998.x}}

@book{VanHam2017,
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1093/oso/9780198793717.001.0001},
	editor = {van Ham, Carolien and Thomassen, Jacques and Aarts, Kees and Andeweg, Rudy},
	isbn = {9780198793717},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{Myth and Reality of the Legitimacy Crisis}},
	url = {https://oxford.universitypressscholarship.com/view/10.1093/oso/9780198793717.001.0001/oso-9780198793717},
	year = {2017},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://oxford.universitypressscholarship.com/view/10.1093/oso/9780198793717.001.0001/oso-9780198793717},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198793717.001.0001}}

@article{Thomassen2014,
	abstract = {This article reviews Peter Mair's argument on the failure of political parties and the subsequent failure of representative democracy in Europe. It develops a conceptual framework to test the validity of Mair's argument against competing interpretations of the development of representative democracy. It identifies three ideal typical models of representative democracy that seem to have succeeded each other over time: cleavage-based democracy, competitive democracy, and audience democracy. The article proposes specific empirical hypotheses for political parties and voters in each of these periods and provides empirical evidence to test the validity of these hypotheses. It concludes with a discussion of the results, evaluating whether the changes that occurred indicate failure of representative democracy or rather the emergence of a different form of representative democracy. {\textcopyright} 2014 {\textcopyright} 2014 Taylor {\&} Francis.},
	author = {Thomassen, Jacques and van Ham, Carolien},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1080/01402382.2014.887881},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/thomassen{\_}van{\_}ham2014.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {01402382},
	journal = {West European Politics},
	number = {2},
	pages = {400--419},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	title = {{Failing Political Representation or a Change in Kind? Models of Representation and Empirical Trends in Europe}},
	url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2014.887881},
	volume = {37},
	year = {2014},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2014.887881}}

@article{Thomassen2006,
	abstract = {To what extent would a change of the Dutch electoral system, strengthening the bond between individual Members of Parliament (MPs) and specific constituencies, improve the quality of political representation, and increase the legitimacy of the political system in the process? In order to answer this question, we make a distinction between policy representation and specific interest representation. We expect that variations in the electoral system will have an effect on specific interest representation but not on policy representation. Findings from international comparative research suggest that this is the case indeed, but only for territorially defined interests, not for functionally defined interests. Close contact between MPs and their constituents might increase people's trust in politicians. However, this does not necessarily mean that it also leads to an increase of the legitimacy of parliament and the parliamentary system. Acta},
	author = {Thomassen, Jacques and Esaiasson, Peter},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500157},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Thomassen, Esaiasson - 2006 - Role Orientations of Members of Parliament.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0001-6810},
	issn = {0001-6810},
	journal = {Acta Politica},
	keywords = {electoral systems,members of parliament,role orientations},
	number = {3},
	pages = {217--231},
	title = {{Role Orientations of Members of Parliament}},
	url = {http://www.palgrave-journals.com/doifinder/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500157},
	volume = {41},
	year = {2006},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://www.palgrave-journals.com/doifinder/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500157},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500157}}

@article{Sullivan1978,
	abstract = {Accessed: 23-04-2018 00:35 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. The "marginality" hypothesis maintains that members of Congress from mar-ginal districts will display more moderation in their voting behavior than will those from safe districts. We give two alternative interpretations to the hypothesis: Candi-dates from more marginal districts will: (1) tend to converge to the positions of their constituents; and (2) tend to converge to the positions of their opponents. Employing policy opinion data on both party candidates for 299 districts for which valid competition figures could be obtained, and simulated constituency opinions for the same districts, we find a general tendency for candidates to diverge from each other in marginal districts. However, we find that in the more marginal districts, can-didates closest to the constituency opinion are considerably more likely to win than their opponent-although quite the contrary is the case for the noncompetitive dis-tricts. Incumbents are found to have greater probability of winning reelection than their challengers even when the latter are closer to constituency opinion. What difference, if any, do issues make in congressional elections? Hinckley (1976) finds little evidence of voting for congressional candi-dates on the basis of issues, but the view that the issue positions taken by candidates can affect their probability of winning or losing an election in particular kinds of districts remains widely held. The most common thesis is the "marginality hypothesis," which states that members from the most competitive districts are more likely to be "moderate" than are those from safe seats. Indeed, Fiorina (1973, p. 481) maintains that this thesis "is so well accepted that many undergraduate students probably learn it as part of the corpus of knowledge about the legislative process." There have been many studies of the marginality hypothesis (which are},
	author = {Sullivan, John L. and Uslaner, Eric M.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.2307/2110460},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/sullivan{\_}uslaner1978.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00925853},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {3},
	pages = {536},
	title = {{Congressional Behavior and Electoral Marginality}},
	volume = {22},
	year = {1978},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.2307/2110460}}

@article{Stone2014,
	abstract = {We examine the relationship between the valence qualities of candidates and the ideological positions they take in U.S. House elections based on a study of the 2006 midterm elections. Our design enables us to distinguish between campaign and character dimensions of candidate valence and to place candidates and districts on the same ideological scale. Incumbents with a personal-character advantage are closer ideologically to their district preferences, while disadvantaged challengers take more extreme policy positions. Contrary to conventional wisdom, challengers can reap electoral rewards by taking more extreme positions relative to their districts. We explore a possible mechanism for this extremism effect by demonstrating that challengers closer to the extreme received greater financial contributions, which enhanced their chances of victory. Our results bear on theories of representation that include policy and valence, although the interactions between these two dimensions may be complex and counterintuitive.},
	author = {Stone, Walter J. and Simas, Elizabeth N.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00436.x},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Stone, Simas - 2010 - Candidate Valence in U. S. House and Ideological Elections Positions.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00925853},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {2},
	pages = {371--388},
	title = {{Candidate Valence in U. S. House and Ideological Elections Positions}},
	volume = {54},
	year = {2010},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00436.x}}

@incollection{Steiner2004,
	address = {Cambridge},
	author = {Steiner, J{\"{u}}rg and B{\"{a}}chtiger, Andr{\'{e}} and Sp{\"{o}}rndli, Markus and Steenbergen, Marco R.},
	booktitle = {Deliberative Politics in Action. Analyzing Parliamentary Discourse},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/CBO9780511491153.006},
	month = {jan},
	pages = {98--137},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {{Antecedents of Deliberation: Institutions and Issues}},
	url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/CBO9780511491153A014/type/book{\_}part},
	year = {2004},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/CBO9780511491153A014/type/book%7B%5C_%7Dpart},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511491153.006}}

@unpublished{Spirling2019,
	abstract = {We consider the properties and performance of word embeddings techniques in the con- text of political science research. In particular, we explore key parameter choices---including context window length, embedding vector dimensions and the use of pre-trained vs locally fit variants---in terms of effects on the efficiency and quality of inferences possible with these models. Reassuringly, with caveats, we show that results are robust to such choices for political corpora of various sizes and in various languages. Beyond reporting extensive technical find- ings, we provide a novel crowd-sourced ``Turing test''-style method for examining the relative performance of any two models that produce substantive, text-based outputs. Encouragingly, we show that popular, easily available pre-trained embeddings perform at a level close to---or surpassing---both human coders and more complicated locally-fit models. For completeness, we provide best practice advice for cases where local fitting is required.},
	author = {Rodriguez, Pedro L and Spirling, Arthur},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/rodriguez{\_}spirling2020.pdf:pdf},
	keywords = {crowdsourcing,embeddings,glove,political methodology,text as data},
	pages = {1--56},
	title = {{Word Embeddings. What Works, What Doesn't, and How to Tell the Difference for Applied Research}},
	url = {https://www.nyu.edu/projects/spirling/documents/embed.pdf},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://www.nyu.edu/projects/spirling/documents/embed.pdf}}

@article{Southern2019,
	abstract = {{\textcopyright} 2018, {\textcopyright} 2018 Elections, Public Opinion {\&} Parties. There has been much work done investigating the adoption of online campaigns in UK general election campaigns. Although some research has focussed on the candidate-level (Gibson, R., W. Lusoli, and S. Ward. 2008. ``Nationalizing and Normalizing the Local? A Comparative Analysis of Online Candidate Campaigning in Australia and Britain.'' Journal of Information Technology and Politics 4: 15--30; Lee, B. 2014. ``Window Dressing 2.0: Constituency-level Web Campaigns in the 2010 UK General Election.'' Politics 34 (1): 45--57; Southern, R. 2015. ``Is Web 2.0 Providing a Voice for Outsiders? A Comparison of Personal Web Site and Social Media Use by Candidates at the 2010 UK General Election.'' Journal of Information Technology {\&} Politics 12 (1): 1--17), this is an under-researched area. This is despite early web-campaign scholars (Margolis, M., and D. Resnick. 2000. Politics as Usual: The Cyberspace Revolution. Sage) maintaining that e-campaigning could provide the most important advantages to campaigns at the candidate level. In light of this, the paper aims to provide the most comprehensive study of candidate-level online campaigning carried out in the UK to date. This paper employs original data, measuring website and social media use by candidates during the 2015 UK general election campaign. These data allow for a detailed explanation of the normalization thesis, one of the leading theories in the field of e-campaigns. The findings here are significant as there are several instances where normalization does not hold, suggesting that online tools are contributing to campaign change. Green Party candidates subverted normalization to a significant degree, particularly on social media. Assessing the campaign content, a quarter of candidates adopted more than one interactive feature on their website and furthermore, interactive use of Twitter was the most common type of Twitter use.},
	author = {Southern, Rosalynd and Lee, Benjamin J.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1080/17457289.2018.1515209},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/southern{\_}lee2019.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {17457297},
	journal = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
	number = {2},
	pages = {179--198},
	title = {{Politics as Usual? Assessing the Extent and Content of Candidate-level Online Campaigning at the 2015 UK General Election}},
	volume = {29},
	year = {2019},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2018.1515209}}

@article{SLAPIN2017,
	abstract = {Strong party discipline is a core feature of Westminster parliamentary systems. Parties typically compel members of Parliament (MPs) to support the party regardless of MPs' individual preferences. Rebellion, however, does occur. Using an original dataset of MP votes and speeches in the British House of Commons from 1992 to 2015, coupled with new estimations of MPs' ideological positions within their party, we find evidence that MPs use rebellion strategically to differentiate themselves from their party. The strategy that MPs employ is contingent upon an interaction of ideological extremity with party control of government. Extremists are loyal when their party is in the opposition, but these same extremists become more likely to rebel when their party controls government. Additionally, they emphasize their rebellion through speeches. Existing models of rebellion and party discipline do not account for government agenda control and do not explain these patterns.},
	author = {Slapin, Jonathan B. and Kirkland, Justin H. and Lazzaro, Joseph A. and Leslie, Patrick A and O'Grady, Tom},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/S0003055417000375},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Slapin et al. - 2018 - Ideology, Grandstanding, and Strategic Party Disloyalty in the British Parliament.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {0003-0554},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {1},
	pages = {15--30},
	title = {{Ideology, Grandstanding, and Strategic Party Disloyalty in the British Parliament}},
	url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0003055417000375/type/journal{\_}article},
	volume = {112},
	year = {2018},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0003055417000375/type/journal%7B%5C_%7Darticle},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055417000375}}

@article{Slapin2008,
	author = {Slapin, Jonathan B. and Proksch, Sven-Oliver},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Slapin, Proksch - 2008 - A Scaling Model for Estimating Time Series Party Positions from Texts.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {3},
	pages = {705--722},
	title = {{A Scaling Model for Estimating Time-Series Party Positions from Texts}},
	url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00338.x/full},
	volume = {52},
	year = {2008},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00338.x/full}}

@article{Schwarz2020,
	abstract = {Candidate choice survey experiments in the form of conjoint or vignette experi-ments have become a standard part of the political science toolkit for understanding voters' multidimensional preferences over candidates. These experiments have been used to study many candidate attributes, such as policy position, race, age, political or career experience, attractiveness, and political party. By our count, the most com-mon attribute studied in these experiments is candidate gender. We collect 30 such experiments and reanalyze them using a standardized statistical approach. Holding other candidate features fixed by design, female candidates are on average preferred by respondents by approximately 2 percentage points. We further investigate how this preference varies with respondent gender and partisanship and other candidate characteristics. We find limited evidence of heteogeneity, though the female preference appears to be somewhat smaller for black (versus white) candidates and among Re-publican (versus Democratic) respondents. We conclude by attempting to reconcile the disjunction between the unambiguous survey experimental results and the drastic underprovision of female elected representatives.},
	author = {Schwarz, Susanne and Coppock, Alexander},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/schwarz{\_}coppock2020.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Working Paper},
	pages = {1--40},
	title = {{What Have We Learned About Gender From Candidate Choice Experiments? A Meta-analysis of 30 Factorial Survey Experiments}},
	url = {https://alexandercoppock.com/papers/SHC{\_}gender.pdf},
	year = {2020},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://alexandercoppock.com/papers/SHC%7B%5C_%7Dgender.pdf}}

@techreport{Schwalbach2020,
	address = {Cambridge},
	author = {Rauh, Christian and Schwalbach, Jan},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/L4OAKN},
	institution = {Harvard Dataverse},
	title = {{The ParlSpeech V2 Data Set: Full-text Corpora of 6.3 Million Parliamentary Speeches in the Key Legislative Chambers of Nine Representative Democracies}},
	year = {2020},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/L4OAKN}}

@article{Saward2014,
	author = {Saward, Michael},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/S0003055414000471},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Saward - 2014 - Shape-Shifting Representation.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0003-0554},
	issn = {0003-0554},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {4},
	pages = {723--736},
	title = {{Shape-Shifting Representation}},
	volume = {108},
	year = {2014},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055414000471}}

@book{Saward2010a,
	address = {Oxford},
	author = {Saward, Michael},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	pages = {206},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{The Representative Claim}},
	year = {2010}}

@article{Saward2009,
	abstract = {This article examines critically a variety of claims to be representative that are made by unelected political actors, and offers criteria for assessing these claims.},
	author = {Saward, Michael},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9760.2008.00309.x},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Saward - 2009 - Authorisation and Authenticity Representation and the Unelected.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1467-9760},
	issn = {09638016},
	journal = {Journal of Political Philosophy},
	number = {1},
	pages = {1--22},
	title = {{Authorisation and Authenticity: Representation and the Unelected}},
	volume = {17},
	year = {2009},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9760.2008.00309.x}}

@article{Sabl2015,
	abstract = {{\textless}p{\textgreater} Empirical political scientists and normative political theorists both seek to assess the quality of democracy. But they apply to this task very different criteria and assumptions. Empiricists (in particular those who study American politics) often assume that a---perhaps {\textless}italic{\textgreater}the{\textless}/italic{\textgreater} ---key indicator of democratic quality is responsiveness, the degree to which policy outcomes reflect public opinion. They often cite ``democratic theory'' as endorsing this criterion. Normative theorists, however, all but universally reject responsiveness, proposing instead very different criteria of democratic quality. I document a divide between two research cultures; trace some of its causes; and suggest some ways of overcoming it so that scholars on each side may benefit from the insights of the other. Empiricists, I argue, should acknowledge that the responsiveness criterion is neither value-neutral nor, in its pure form, particularly persuasive. Theorists adduce other criteria for sound and commonsensical reasons. In particular, to the extent that empiricists find that policy outcomes reflect not median voter preferences but either random factors or the concerns of the wealthy and organized, they would render their findings more compelling by presenting them as troubling according to a variety of persuasive democratic theories, not just a stylized theory that posits pure responsiveness as its ideal. Normative theorists, I argue, may learn from empiricists greater respect for ordinary citizens' existing opinions, however imperfect the social and political circumstances in which they originate. and greater concern regarding empirical evidence that the median voter's opinions may have little independent effect on policy. In spite of all this, the two cultures remain properly distinct in many respects. Some substantial differences in approach reflect a necessary, permanent, and salutary division of labor between two very different modes of studying democracy and assessing its quality. {\textless}/p{\textgreater}},
	author = {Sabl, Andrew},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/S1537592715000079},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Sabl - 2015 - The Two Cultures of Democratic Theory Responsiveness, Democratic Quality, and the Empirical-Normative Divide.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1537-5927},
	journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
	number = {02},
	pages = {345--365},
	title = {{The Two Cultures of Democratic Theory: Responsiveness, Democratic Quality, and the Empirical-Normative Divide}},
	url = {http://www.journals.cambridge.org/abstract{\_}S1537592715000079},
	volume = {13},
	year = {2015},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://www.journals.cambridge.org/abstract%7B%5C_%7DS1537592715000079},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537592715000079}}

@article{Rosset2016,
	author = {Rosset, Jan and Giger, Nathalie and Bernauer, Julian},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/0010414015621078},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/rosset{\_}et{\_}al2017.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {0010-4140},
	journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
	keywords = {comparative,ideological congruence,political representation,responsiveness},
	number = {6},
	pages = {794--821},
	title = {{I the People? Self-interest and Demand for Government Responsiveness}},
	volume = {50},
	year = {2017},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414015621078}}

@article{Rodon2020,
	abstract = {How do people evaluate fairness of redistributive policies when redistribution is considered multidimensional? We estimate the effect of distributive policies on the top-and bottom-income groups, as well as the effects of general wealth, social mobility, and origin of wealth on people's perceived fairness of the policies. Findings reveal that policies that encourage upward social mobility and an increase in general wealth and reward effort and upward mobility are seen as fair. Yet, what is seen as fair or unfair differs substantially across party and income groups. Policies that promote an increase of the status of the wealthiest, and policies that do not change or deteriorate the status of the poorest, generate different fairness perceptions. But there is room for agreement, as policies that make the poorest wealthier, while keeping the status of the wealthiest, are seen as fair by both Democrats and Republicans and among high-and low-income individuals.},
	author = {Rodon, Toni and Sanjaume-Calvet, Marc},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1086/706053},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Rodon, Sanjaume-Calvet - 2020 - How fair is it An experimental study of perceived fairness of distributive policies.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14682508},
	journal = {Journal of Politics},
	keywords = {redistribution,conjoint,fairness,multidimensionali},
	number = {1},
	pages = {384--391},
	title = {{How fair is it? An experimental study of perceived fairness of distributive policies}},
	volume = {82},
	year = {2020},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1086/706053}}

@article{Rodman2020,
	abstract = {Word vectorization is an emerging text-as-data method that shows great promise for automating the analysis of semantics---here, the cultural meanings of words---in large volumes of text. Yet successes with this method have largely been confined to massive corpora where the meanings of words are presumed to be fixed. In political science applications, however, many corpora are comparatively small and many interesting questions hinge on the recognition that meaning changes over time. Together, these two facts raise vexing methodological challenges. Can word vectors trace the changing cultural meanings of words in typical small corpora use cases? I test four time-sensitive implementations of word vectors ( word2vec ) against a gold standard developed from a modest data set of 161 years of newspaper coverage. I find that one implementation method clearly outperforms the others in matching human assessments of how public dialogues around equality in America have changed over time. In addition, I suggest best practices for using word2vec to study small corpora for time series questions, including bootstrap resampling of documents and pretraining of vectors. I close by showing that word2vec allows granular analysis of the changing meaning of words, an advance over other common text-as-data methods for semantic research questions.},
	author = {Rodman, Emma},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/pan.2019.23},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/rodman2020.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1047-1987},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	month = {jan},
	number = {1},
	pages = {87--111},
	title = {{A Timely Intervention: Tracking the Changing Meanings of Political Concepts with Word Vectors}},
	url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S1047198719000238/type/journal{\_}article},
	volume = {28},
	year = {2020},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S1047198719000238/type/journal%7B%5C_%7Darticle},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/pan.2019.23}}

@article{Rheault2020,
	abstract = {Word embeddings, the coefficients from neural network models predicting the use of words in context, have now become inescapable in applications involving natural language processing. Despite a few studies in political science, the potential of this methodology for the analysis of political texts has yet to be fully uncovered. This paper introduces models of word embeddings augmented with political metadata and trained on large-scale parliamentary corpora from Britain, Canada, and the United States. We fit these models with indicator variables of the party affiliation of members of parliament, which we refer to as party embeddings. We illustrate how these embeddings can be used to produce scaling estimates of ideological placement and other quantities of interest for political research. To validate the methodology, we assess our results against indicators from the Comparative Manifestos Project, surveys of experts, and measures based on roll-call votes. Our findings suggest that party embeddings are successful at capturing latent concepts such as ideology, and the approach provides researchers with an integrated framework for studying political language.},
	author = {Rheault, Ludovic and Cochrane, Christopher},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/pan.2019.26},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/rheault{\_}cochrane2020.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1047-1987},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	month = {jan},
	number = {1},
	pages = {112--133},
	title = {{Word Embeddings for the Analysis of Ideological Placement in Parliamentary Corpora}},
	url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S1047198719000263/type/journal{\_}article},
	volume = {28},
	year = {2020},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S1047198719000263/type/journal%7B%5C_%7Darticle},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/pan.2019.26}}

@article{Rehfeld2009,
	author = {Rehfeld, Andrew},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/S0003055409090261},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Rehfeld - 2009 - Representation Rethought On Trustees, Delegates, and Gyroscopes in the Study of Political Representation and Democracy.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {0003-0554},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {2},
	pages = {214--213},
	title = {{Representation Rethought: On Trustees, Delegates, and Gyroscopes in the Study of Political Representation and Democracy}},
	url = {http://www.journals.cambridge.org/abstract{\_}S0003055409090261},
	volume = {103},
	year = {2009},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://www.journals.cambridge.org/abstract%7B%5C_%7DS0003055409090261},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055409090261}}

@article{Proksch2019,
	abstract = {Comparative scholars of legislative politics continue to face the challenge of measuring a key theoretical concept: conflict at the level of legislative bills. We address this challenge with a multilingual sentiment-based approach and show that such a measure can effectively capture different types of parliamentary con- flict. We also demonstrate that an automated translation of the dictionary yields valid results and therefore greatly facilitates comparative work on legislatures. Our applications show that a sentiment approach recovers government-oppo- sition dynamics in various settings. The use of a simple, translatable sentiment dictionary opens up the possibility of studying legislative conflict in bill debates across languages and countries.},
	author = {Proksch, Sven-Oliver and Lowe, Will and W{\"{a}}ckerle, Jens and Soroka, Stuart},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/lsq.12218},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/proksch{\_}et{\_}al2019b.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {19399162},
	journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
	number = {1},
	pages = {97--131},
	title = {{Multilingual Sentiment Analysis: A New Approach to Measuring Conflict in Legislative Speeches}},
	volume = {44},
	year = {2019},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12218}}

@book{Proksch2015,
	address = {Cambridge},
	archiveprefix = {arXiv},
	arxivid = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
	author = {Proksch, Sven Oliver and Slapin, Jonathan B.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/CBO9781139680752},
	eprint = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
	isbn = {9781139680752},
	issn = {0140-2382},
	pages = {1--206},
	pmid = {25246403},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {{The Politics of Parliamentary Debate: Parties, Rebels, and Representation}},
	url = {http://admin.cambridge.org/academic/subjects/politics-international-relations/comparative-politics/politics-parliamentary-debate-parties-rebels-and-representation{\#}1pRFoq8s6pcmCJfd.97},
	year = {2015},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://admin.cambridge.org/academic/subjects/politics-international-relations/comparative-politics/politics-parliamentary-debate-parties-rebels-and-representation%7B%5C#%7D1pRFoq8s6pcmCJfd.97},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139680752}}

@article{Proksch,
	author = {Proksch, Sven-Oliver and Wratil, Christopher and W{\"{a}}ckerle, Jens},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/pan.2018.62},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/proksch{\_}et{\_}al2019.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1047-1987},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	keywords = {automatic speech recognition,google,text analysis,transcriptions,youtube},
	number = {3},
	pages = {339--359},
	title = {{Testing the Validity of Automatic Speech Recognition for Political Text Analysis}},
	volume = {27},
	year = {2019},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/pan.2018.62}}

@book{Pitkin1967,
	address = {Berkeley},
	author = {Pitkin, Hanna},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	publisher = {University of California Press},
	title = {{The Concept of Representation}},
	year = {1967}}

@book{Phillips1995,
	address = {Oxford},
	author = {Phillips, Anne},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	pages = {209},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{The Politics of Presence}},
	year = {1995}}

@article{Patty2016,
	abstract = {Obstruction is a time-honored tradition in legislative politics. In many cases, obstruction can be foreseen to be ultimately unsuccessful, and in some of these cases, purely costly even to the obstructor. In this article, I construct a model of obstruction in which the individual obstruction of a fait accompli policy proposal is potentially informative precisely and ironically because it is inefficient. The theory, based on the legislators' reelection motivations, offers comparative static predictions about the frequency and length of obstruction as a function of the individual characteristics of the legislator and his or her electoral setting, including the legislator's value for reelection, the appeal of the legislator's challenger, the legislator's individual-specific seniority, competence, and/or valence, and the visibility of the legislator's obstruction efforts to the voter. Finally, the theory illustrates the potential for transparency of legislators' individual actions to be strictly welfare reducing, even in the absence of pandering.},
	author = {Patty, John W.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/ajps.12202},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Patty - 2016 - Signaling through Obstruction.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1540-5907},
	issn = {15405907},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {1},
	pages = {175--189},
	title = {{Signaling through Obstruction}},
	volume = {60},
	year = {2016},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12202}}

@article{Pantoja2003,
	abstract = {Objective. This article uses a political empowerment approach to explore the effect that descriptive representation in legislatures has on levels of political alienation among Latinos. Methods. Using data from the 1997 Tom{\'{a}}s Rivera Policy Institute post-election survey carried out in California and Texas, supplemented with data on the ethnicity of legislators serving each respondent, we test this political empowerment thesis. Results. The presence of Latino representatives in the state assembly, state senate, and/or U.S. House is associated with lower levels of political alienation among Latino constituents. The effect is modest, and we find that other factors - demographic, political, and ethnic-specific - also exert powerful influences on levels of political alienation among Latinos. Conclusions. Although finding modest evidence for the political empowerment thesis, descriptive representation alone is not a panacea for creating politically engaged personas among Latinos.},
	author = {Pantoja, Adrian D. and Segura, Gary M.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/1540-6237.8402014},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/pantoja{\_}segura2003.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00384941},
	journal = {Social Science Quarterly},
	number = {2},
	pages = {441--460},
	title = {{Does ethnicity matter? Descriptive representation in legislatures and political alienation among latinos}},
	volume = {84},
	year = {2003},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/1540-6237.8402014}}

@article{Onnudottir2014,
	abstract = {This paper focuses on how characteristics of parties and party voters explain the styles of representation emphasised within parties. Styles of representation are defined at the party level as the proportion of representatives within parties who are partisans, delegates or trustees. Each style manifests due to different incentives related to the characteristics of their party and/or their party voters. The findings show that the main explanatory factors for the proportion of partisans are parties' leadership control over nomination and party socialisation. The main determinant for the proportion of trustees is how often parties have been represented in government. For delegates the results are mixed, but it is indicated that a high proportion of party identifiers among party voters is related to a high proportion of delegates within parties.},
	author = {{\"{O}}nnud{\'{o}}ttir, Eva H.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/1354068814560934},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/{\"{O}}nnud{\'{o}}ttir - 2016 - Political Parties and Styles of Representation.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1354-0688, 1460-3683},
	journal = {Party Politics},
	keywords = {candidates,empirical research,political parties,representative democracy,styles of representation},
	number = {6},
	pages = {732--745},
	title = {{Political Parties and Styles of Representation}},
	url = {http://ppq.sagepub.com/content/early/2014/12/05/1354068814560934{\%}5Cnhttp://ppq.sagepub.com/content/early/2014/12/05/1354068814560934.full.pdf},
	volume = {22},
	year = {2016},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068814560934}}

@incollection{OBrien2019,
	address = {London},
	author = {O'Brien, Diana Z. and Piscopo, Jennifer M.},
	booktitle = {The Palgrave Handbook of Women's Political Rights},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	editor = {Franceschet, Susan and Krook, Mona Lena and Tan, Netina},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/obrien{\_}piscopo2019.pdf:pdf},
	pages = {53--72},
	publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
	title = {{The Impact of Women in Parliament}},
	year = {2019}}

@article{Mondak2006,
	abstract = {In U.S. elections, the competence and integrity of candidates for office are among the factors that influence both the choices made by voters and the subsequent outcomes of electoral contests. Although past research has demonstrated that candidate character is highly consequential, much less is known regarding how, and under what conditions, information about character influences the individual-level candidate evaluation. We explore these questions using data from a series of computer-based laboratory experiments and a national survey. Results reveal that attitudes regarding competence and integrity are highly accessible, and that information about competence and integrity strongly influences assessments of candidates. However, no evidence was found that candidate character functions as a default basis of candidate evaluation to be used when information regarding political considerations such as partisanshp and ideology are unavailable. {\textcopyright} 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.},
	author = {Mondak, Jeffery J. and Huckfeldt, Robert},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2005.02.006},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Mondak, Huckfeldt - 2006 - The Accessibility and Utility of Candidate Character in Electoral Decision Making.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0261-3794},
	issn = {02613794},
	journal = {Electoral Studies},
	keywords = {Attitude accessibility,Candidate character,Candidate evaluation,Laboratory tests,National survey,United States Elections},
	number = {1},
	pages = {20--34},
	title = {{The Accessibility and Utility of Candidate Character in Electoral Decision Making}},
	volume = {25},
	year = {2006},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2005.02.006}}

@article{Mondak1995,
	abstract = {All voters may share a common interest in maximizing the quality of representatives in the U.S. House. If voters act on this interest when evaluating congressional candidates, then the electoral system will function with a collective sense of rationality. Incumbents who lack competence or integrity will be voted out, whereas skilled and principled incumbents will be retained. Quality, competence, and integrity scores are produced in this study for representatives who entered the U.S. House in the period 1969--1981. These values then are used to assess the role of incumbent quality within the electoral system. Results reveal that incumbents who are low in quality are highly likely to leave Congress after only a few years, either because of voluntary retirement or electoral defeat. Further, incumbent quality is shown to affect the dynamics of primary elections, the level of challenger spending in general elections, and the general election margin. Cumulatively, this study's findings strongly support the claim that the electoral system functions rationally. Systemic emphasis on candidate quality provides new perspective on possible electoral reform. Most specifically, this study's findings suggest that term limitations would be likely to reduce the aggregate level of competence and integrity in the U.S. House.},
	author = {Mondak, Jeffery J.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.2307/2960401},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Mondak - 1995 - Competence, Integrity, and the Electoral Success of Congressional Incumbents.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {00223816},
	issn = {0022-3816},
	journal = {The Journal of Politics},
	number = {04},
	pages = {1043},
	title = {{Competence, Integrity, and the Electoral Success of Congressional Incumbents}},
	volume = {57},
	year = {1995},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.2307/2960401}}

@article{Mendez-Lago2002,
	abstract = {Political representation has been widely studied from a theoretical perspective, but empirical research has been more scarce, mainly due to the lack of suitable data. This article attempts to contribute to this flourishing field with an analysis of the results of a survey that was administered in 1997 both to Spanish MPs and to citizens, which inquired about different aspects of political representation. We concentrate on analysing the way the role of representative is conceived both by citizens and by MPs, as well as the perception of the role of political parties in the process of representation. The final section looks at the levels of satisfaction of citizens and MPs with the way political representation takes place in Spain.},
	author = {M{\'{e}}ndez-Lago, M{\'{o}}nica and Mart{\'{i}}nez, Antonia},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1080/714003903},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/M{\'{e}}ndez-Lago, Mart{\'{i}}nez - 2002 - Political Representation in Spain An Empirical Analysis of the Perception of Citizens and MPs.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1357-2334},
	journal = {The Journal of Legislative Studies},
	number = {1},
	pages = {63--90},
	title = {{Political Representation in Spain: An Empirical Analysis of the Perception of Citizens and MPs}},
	volume = {8},
	year = {2002},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/714003903}}

@article{Mendelberg2014,
	abstract = {Does low descriptive representation inhibit substantive representation for women in deliberating groups? We address this question and go beyond to ask if the effects of descriptive representation also depend on decision rule. We conducted an experiment on distributive decisions, randomizing the group's gender composition and decision rule, including many groups, and linking individuals' predeliberation attitudes to their speech and to postdeliberation decisions. Women's descriptive representation does produce substantive representation, but primarily under majority rule-when women are many, they are more likely to voice women's distinctive concerns about children, family, the poor, and the needy, and less likely to voice men's distinctive concerns. Men's references shift similarly with women's numerical status. These effects are associated with group decisions that are more generous to the poor. Unanimous rule protects women in the numerical minority, mitigating some of the negative effects of low descriptive representation. Descriptive representation matters, but in interaction with the decision rule. {\textcopyright} 2013, Midwest Political Science Association.},
	author = {Mendelberg, Tali and Karpowitz, Christopher F. and Goedert, Nicholas},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/ajps.12077},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/mendelberg{\_}et{\_}al2014.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15405907},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {2},
	pages = {291--306},
	title = {{Does Descriptive Representation Facilitate Women's Distinctive Voice? How Gender Composition and Decision Rules Affect Deliberation}},
	volume = {58},
	year = {2014},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12077}}

@article{McMurray1965,
	author = {McMurray, Carl D. and Parsons, Malcolm B.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/McMurray, Parsons - 1965 - Public Attitudes Toward the Representational Roles of Legislators and Judges.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Midwest Journal of Political Science},
	number = {2},
	pages = {167--185},
	title = {{Public Attitudes Toward the Representational Roles of Legislators and Judges}},
	volume = {9},
	year = {1965}}

@incollection{McAllister2007,
	abstract = {This article looks at the personalization of politics, starting with a careful examination of the evidence that leaders are becoming more important. The role of electronic media in personalizing politics and politicians is examined, along with institutions and political leadership. The concept `political priming' is introduced, which is the process where leaders are evaluated by voters based on the leader's performance on issues considered important to the voters. The consequences of the personalization of politics and the decline of electoral participation and parties are discussed in the last portion of the article.},
	author = {McAllister, Ian},
	booktitle = {The Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199270125.003.0030},
	editor = {Dalton, Russell J. and Klingemann, Hans-Dieter},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/McAllister - 2007 - The Personalization of Politics.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {9780191577178},
	issn = {0002-7162},
	keywords = {Consequences,Decline of electoral participation,Electronic media,Personalization of politics,Political leadership,Political priming},
	pages = {571--588},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{The Personalization of Politics}},
	year = {2007},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199270125.003.0030}}

@article{Mayne2016,
	author = {Mayne, Quinton and Hakhverdian, Armen},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/0010414016639708},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/mayne{\_}hakhverdian2016(2).pdf:pdf},
	issn = {0010-4140},
	journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
	keywords = {congruence has become an,elections,important and popular,over the years ideological,political parties,public opinion,representation and electoral,systems,voting behavior},
	number = {6},
	pages = {822--849},
	title = {{Ideological Congruence and Citizen Satisfaction: Evidence From 25 Advanced Democracies}},
	url = {http://cps.sagepub.com/cgi/doi/10.1177/0010414016639708},
	volume = {50},
	year = {2017},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://cps.sagepub.com/cgi/doi/10.1177/0010414016639708},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414016639708}}

@article{Martin2019,
	abstract = {When presented the choice between a male and female candidate, it is commonly assumed that women prefer a female candidate. But as more policy and ideologically diverse women run for office, this assumption may not hold true. Using an experimental design embedded in a nationally representative survey, I test how voters respond to female candidates with ideologies and abortion positions similar and contrary to their own preferences. I find that women, generally, prefer a female candidate, but support for a female candidate among women decreases significantly when she has a contrary ideology or policy position. Whether women prefer descriptive or substantive representation also is conditioned on individual-level characteristics. This study advances our understanding of voters' responses to female candidates' varying ideological and issue positions, which is increasingly important as more women run for office. Although women are more likely than men to give female candidates the benefit of the doubt, not just any female candidate will do---she needs to appeal to women on issue and ideological grounds too.},
	author = {Martin, Danielle Joesten},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/1532673X18776622},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/martin2019.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15523373},
	journal = {American Politics Research},
	keywords = {descriptive representation,issue voting,women and politics},
	number = {3},
	pages = {549--581},
	title = {{Playing the Women's Card: How Women Respond to Female Candidates' Descriptive Versus Substantive Representation}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X18776622},
	volume = {47},
	year = {2019},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X18776622}}

@article{Marshall2018,
	abstract = {Theories of candidate positioning suggest that candidates will respond dynamically to their electoral environment. Because of the difficulty of obtaining ``bridge votes'', most existing approaches for estimating the ideal points of members of Congress generate static ideal points or ideal points that move linearly over time. We propose an approach for dynamic ideal point estimation using Project Vote Smart's National Political Awareness Test to construct bridge votes. We use our dynamic estimates to measure aggregate change, to measure individual-level change, and to study the institutional and structural factors that explain the changing positions of House candidates and members of Congress. We demonstrate that while the Republican Party has been selecting increasingly extreme candidates, Democratic incumbents have become more extreme while in office. We also find that the congruence between elected members of Congress and their constituents is mostly explained by the selection as opposed to the responsiveness of the candidate. Nonetheless, we find evidence of dynamic responsiveness of incumbents in specific circumstances. We find that competitiveness, midterm elections, and sharing the president's party affiliation are associated with greater responsiveness. Conversely, retirement is not associated with a change in responsiveness. We find no evidence of responsiveness of challengers. Finally, we find that close elections draw challengers who are more in line with the district's ideology.},
	author = {Marshall, Brandon and Peress, Michael},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1007/s11127-018-0572-y},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/marshall{\_}peress2018.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0123456789},
	issn = {15737101},
	journal = {Public Choice},
	keywords = {Ideal point estimation,Representation,U.S. Congress},
	number = {1-2},
	pages = {153--174},
	publisher = {Springer US},
	title = {{Dynamic Estimation of Ideal Points for the US Congress}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-018-0572-y},
	volume = {176},
	year = {2018},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-018-0572-y}}

@unpublished{Mansbridge2017,
	abstract = {In recursive representation both representatives and constituents take in what the other is saying, update, revise, and respond on the basis of their own experience, then listen to the others' response to their responses and respond to that accordingly. Recursive representation should replace or at least supplement the traditional norm of ``two-way communication'' as a component of the larger ideal of good political representation across the representative system. The ideal is aspirational (``regulative'') and may in many actual instances have prohibitive costs, but it can serve as a standard toward which to aspire. Currently the most active and affluent donors in democracies have access to recursive representation even at the national scale, as do some constituents at local levels. Even on the scale of a large nation-state, some currently available mechanisms make it feasible to approach this ideal more fully with average and even relatively marginal constituents. Recursive representation serves as an aspirational ideal in the arenas of administrative and societal representation as well as the arena of legislative/electoral representation.},
	author = {Mansbridge, Jane},
	booktitle = {HKS Faculty Research Working Paper Series},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.2139/ssrn.3049294},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/mansbridge2017.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0022-0248},
	keywords = {administrative representation,deliberation,democracy,political representation,recursive representation,societal},
	pages = {1--55},
	title = {{Recursive Representation in the Representative System}},
	year = {2017},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3049294}}

@article{Mansbridge2009,
	author = {Mansbridge, Jane},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9760.2009.00337.x},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Mansbridge - 2009 - A ``Selection Model'' of Political Representation.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {09638016},
	journal = {Journal of Political Philosophy},
	number = {4},
	pages = {369--398},
	title = {{A ``Selection Model'' of Political Representation}},
	url = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/j.1467-9760.2009.00337.x},
	volume = {17},
	year = {2009},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/j.1467-9760.2009.00337.x},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9760.2009.00337.x}}

@article{Mansbridge2003,
	author = {Mansbridge, Jane},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/S0003055403000856},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Mansbridge - 2003 - Rethinking Representation.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {0003-0554},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {4},
	pages = {515--528},
	title = {{Rethinking Representation}},
	url = {http://www.journals.cambridge.org/abstract{\_}S0003055403000856},
	volume = {97},
	year = {2003},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://www.journals.cambridge.org/abstract%7B%5C_%7DS0003055403000856},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055403000856}}

@book{Mair,
	abstract = {"In the long-established democracies of Western Europe, electoral turnouts are in decline, membership is shrinking in the major parties, and those who remain loyal partisans are sapped of enthusiasm. Peter Mair's new book weighs the impact of these changes, which together show that, after a century of democratic aspiration, electorates are deserting the political arena. Mair examines the alarming parallel development that has seen Europe's political elites remodel themselves as a homogeneous professional class, withdrawing into state institutions that offer relative stability in a world of fickle voters. Meanwhile, non-democratic agencies and practices proliferate and gain credibility--not least among them the European Union itself, an organization contributing to the depoliticization of the member states and one whose notorious "democratic deficit" reflects the deliberate intentions of its founders. Ruling the Void offers an authoritative and chilling assessment of the prospects for popular political representation today, not only in the varied democracies of Europe but throughout the developed world."--Publisher website. List of tables -- Editor's foreward -- Introduction -- Democracy and indifference -- Indifference and renewal -- Redefining democracy -- 1. The passing of popular involvement -- Citizen disengagement -- Electoral participation -- Electorial volatility -- Party loyalties -- Party membership -- Conclusion -- 2. The challenge to party government -- Do parties matter? -- Declining electoral cohesion -- The problem of party government -- The waning of party government -- 3. The withdrawal of the elites -- The century of mass politics -- From civil society to the state : the location of parties -- The functions of parties -- 4. Popular democracy and the European Union polity -- Being safe for, or from, democracy -- The EU polity -- Politicization and displacement -- Europeanization and depoliticization -- The puzzle of apolitical Europe -- The EU as a construct -- Conclusion : Euroscepticism and polity-scepticism -- Appendix : a note on additional tables -- Bibliography -- Index.},
	author = {Mair, Peter},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	isbn = {9781781680995},
	pages = {174},
	publisher = {Verso Books},
	title = {{Ruling the Void: the Hollowing-Out of Western Democracy}},
	year = {2013}}

@article{LinsdeHolandaCoelho2020,
	abstract = {The need for cognition refers to people's tendency to engage in and enjoy thinking and has become influential across social and medical sciences. Using three samples from the United States and the United Kingdom (N = 1,596), we introduce a six-item short version of the Need for Cognition Scale (NCS-18). First, we reduced the number of items from 18 to 6 based on the items' discrimination values, threshold levels, measurement precision (item information curve), item--total correlations, and factor loadings. Second, we confirmed the one-factor structure and established measurement invariance across countries and gender. Finally, we demonstrated that while the NCS-6 provides significant time savings, it comes at a minimal cost in terms of its construct validity with external variables such as openness, cognitive reflection test, and need for affect. Overall, our findings indicate that the NCS-6 is a parsimonious, reliable, and valid measure of need for cognition.},
	author = {{Lins de Holanda Coelho}, Gabriel and {H. P. Hanel}, Paul and {J. Wolf}, Lukas},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/1073191118793208},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/lins{\_}de{\_}holanda{\_}coelho{\_}et{\_}al2020.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15523489},
	journal = {Assessment},
	keywords = {item response theory,need for cognition,psychometrics,short scale,validation},
	number = {8},
	pages = {1870--1885},
	pmid = {30095000},
	title = {{The Very Efficient Assessment of Need for Cognition: Developing a Six-Item Version}},
	volume = {27},
	year = {2020},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1073191118793208}}

@article{Levitt1996,
	abstract = {This paper develops a methodology for consistently estimating the relative weights in senator utility functions, despite the fact that senator ideologies are unobserved. The empirical results suggest that voter preferences are assigned only one quarter of the weight in senator utility functions. The national "party line" also has some influence, but the senator's own ideology is the primary determinant of roll-call voting patterns. These results cast doubt on the empirical relevance of the median voter theorem. Estimation of the model requires only roll-call voting data, making it widely applicable},
	author = {Levitt, Steven D.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/levitt1996.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {The American Economic Review},
	number = {3},
	pages = {425--441},
	title = {{American Economic Association How Do Senators Vote ? Disentangling the Role of Voter Preferences, Party Affiliation, and Senator Ideology}},
	volume = {86},
	year = {1996}}

@article{Laver2003,
	author = {Laver, Michael and Benoit, Kenneth and Garry, John},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Laver, Benoit, Garry - 2003 - Extracting Policy Positions from Political Texts Using Words as Data.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {2},
	pages = {311--331},
	title = {{Extracting Policy Positions from Political Texts Using Words as Data}},
	url = {http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract{\_}S0003055403000698},
	volume = {97},
	year = {2003},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract%7B%5C_%7DS0003055403000698}}

@article{Lauderdale2016,
	abstract = {Existing approaches to measuring political disagreement from text data perform poorly except when applied to narrowly selected texts discussing the same issues and written in the same style. We demonstrate the first viable approach for estimating legislator-specific scores from the entire speech corpus of a legislature, while also producing extensive information about the evolution of speech polarization and politically loaded language. In the Irish D{\'{a}} il, we show that the dominant dimension of speech variation is government--op-position, with ministers more extreme on this dimension than backbenchers, and a second dimension distinguishing between the establishment and anti-establishment opposition parties. In the U.S. Senate, we estimate a dimension that has moderate within-party correlations with scales based on roll-call votes and campaign donation patterns; however, we observe greater overlap across parties in speech positions than roll-call positions and partisan polarization in speeches varies more clearly in response to major political events.},
	author = {Lauderdale, Benjamin E. and Herzog, Alexander},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1093/pan/mpw017},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Lauderdale, Herzog - 2016 - Measuring Political Positions from Legislative Speech.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14764989},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	number = {3},
	pages = {374--394},
	title = {{Measuring Political Positions from Legislative Speech}},
	volume = {24},
	year = {2016},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpw017}}

@article{Lapinski2016,
	abstract = {What do citizens want from their members of Congress? Do they expect them to be constituent servants? Do they expect them to work on local problems? Or do they expect them to represent them on the national issues of the day? While citizens expect members of Congress to perform all of these roles, we argue that, in the contemporary political environment, citizens especially value members who represent them on the salient national issues of the day. We also argue that such behavior will be especially pronounced among those who are the most educated and partisan. We show, using several recent nationally representative surveys, that citizens prioritize this sort of issue representation, and that such evaluations shape member approval and vote choice. We conclude by discussing the implications of this pattern for related trends such as elite polarization and the nationalization of elections.},
	author = {Lapinski, John and Levendusky, Matt and Winneg, Ken and Jamieson, Kathleen Hall},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/1065912916652240},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/lapinski{\_}et{\_}al2016.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {10659129},
	journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
	keywords = {Congress,constituency service,representation},
	number = {3},
	pages = {535--545},
	title = {{What Do Citizens Want from Their Member of Congress?}},
	volume = {69},
	year = {2016},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912916652240}}

@book{Lafont2019,
	address = {Oxford},
	author = {Lafont, Cristina},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	pages = {288},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{Democracy without Shortcuts: A Participatory Conception of Deliberative Democracy}},
	year = {2019}}

@article{Kuklinski1977,
	abstract = {Noting the conceptual and methodological confusion which has surrounded previous examinations of the marginality hypothesis, this paper directly tests its two major predictions: (1) The relationship between district opinion and roll-call behavior is greater in competitive than in noncompetitive districts; (2) The relationship between party position and roll-call behavior is less in competitive than in noncompetitive districts. Neither hypothesis is completely supported when examined across three policy dimen- sions. The findings raise serious questions about previous studies which have relied upon party loyalty measures.},
	author = {Kuklinski, James H},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.2307/2110584},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/kuklinski1977.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00925853},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {3},
	pages = {627},
	title = {{District Competitiveness and Legislative Roll-Call Behavior: A Reassessment of the Marginality Hypothesis}},
	volume = {21},
	year = {1977},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.2307/2110584}}

@article{Kellermann2013,
	abstract = {While the importance of individual candidates in British elections has long been minimized, this article argues that early day motions (EDMs)---formal, non-binding expressions of opinion---allow backbench MPs to cultivate reputations with constituents. First, this article demonstrates that greater sponsorship of EDMs is associated with better electoral outcomes, which suggests that EDMs could help vulnerable MPs improve their electoral prospects. Secondly, a Bayesian hierarchical negative binomial hurdle model, which accounts for specific features of EDM sponsorship and is novel in political science, shows that members from electorally competitive constituencies are more likely to introduce EDMs, and introduce them more often, than members from less competitive constituencies. Moreover, this relationship has increased over the past 20 years.},
	author = {Kellermann, Michael},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/psrm.2013.19},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/kellerman2013.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {2049-8470},
	journal = {Political Science Research and Methods},
	number = {2},
	pages = {263--280},
	title = {{Sponsoring Early Day Motions in the British House of Commons as a Response to Electoral Vulnerability}},
	volume = {1},
	year = {2013},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2013.19}}

@article{Kastellec2015,
	abstract = {Do senators respond to the preferences of their state's median voter or only to the preferences of their copartisans? We develop a method for estimating state-level public opinion broken down by partisanship so that scholars can distinguish between general and partisan responsiveness. We use this to study responsiveness in the context of Senate confirmation votes on Supreme Court nominees. We find that senators weight their partisan base far more heavily when casting such roll call votes. Indeed, when their state median voter and party median voter disagree, senators strongly favor the latter. This has significant implications for the study of legislative responsiveness and the role of public opinion in shaping the members of the nation's highest court. The methodological approach we develop enables more nuanced analyses of public opinion and its effects, as well as more finely grained studies of legislative behavior and policy making.},
	author = {Kastellec, Jonathan P. and Lax, Jeffrey R. and Malecki, Michael and Phillips, Justin H.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1086/681261},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/kastellec{\_}et{\_}al2015.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14682508},
	journal = {Journal of Politics},
	keywords = {Supreme Court nominations,multilevel regression and poststratification,representation,subconstituencies},
	number = {3},
	pages = {787--804},
	title = {{Polarizing the Electoral Connection: Partisan Representation in Supreme Court Confirmation Politics}},
	volume = {77},
	year = {2015},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1086/681261}}

@book{Kam2009,
	abstract = {This work examines the relationship between party leaders and Members of Parliament in Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, showing how the two sides interact and sometimes clash. A model of intra-party politics -- Patterns of backbench dissent in four Westminster parliamentary systems, 1945-2005 -- Policy preferences and backbench dissent in Great Britain and Canada -- Dissent, constituency service, and the personal vote in Great Britain and New Zealand -- The cost of dissent to the party -- Demotion and dissent in the Canadian Liberal Party, 1991-1997 -- Discipline and dissent in the Australian Coalition, 1996-1998 -- Career trajectories, socialization, and backbench dissent in the British House of Commons.},
	author = {Kam, Christopher J.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	isbn = {0521518296},
	pages = {265},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {{Party Discipline and Parliamentary Politics}},
	url = {https://books.google.de/books?id=vwx692QPbo8C{\&}dq=christopher+kam+2009+parliament{\&}lr={\&}source=gbs{\_}navlinks{\_}s},
	year = {2009},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://books.google.de/books?id=vwx692QPbo8C%7B%5C&%7Ddq=christopher+kam+2009+parliament%7B%5C&%7Dlr=%7B%5C&%7Dsource=gbs%7B%5C_%7Dnavlinks%7B%5C_%7Ds}}

@book{Jacobs2000,
	address = {Chicago and London},
	author = {Jacobs, Lawrence R. and Shapiro, Robert Y.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	pages = {425},
	publisher = {The University of Chicago Press},
	title = {{Politicians Don't Pander. Political Manipulation and the Loss of Democratic Responsiveness}},
	year = {2000}}

@article{Horiuchi2020,
	abstract = {Although politicians' personal attributes are an important component of elections and representation, few studies have rigorously investigated which attributes are most relevant in shaping voters' preferences for politicians, or whether these preferences vary across different electoral system contexts. We investigate these questions with a conjoint survey experiment using the case of Japan's mixed-member bicameral system. We find that the attributes preferred by voters are not entirely consistent with the observed attributes of actual politicians. Moreover, voters' preferences do not vary when asked to consider representation under different electoral system contexts, whereas the observed attributes of politicians do vary across these contexts. These findings point to the role of factors beyond voters' sincere preferences, such as parties' recruitment strategies, the effect of electoral rules on the salience of the personal vote, and the availability of different types of politicians, in determining the nature of representation.},
	author = {Horiuchi, Yusaku and Smith, Daniel M. and Yamamoto, Teppei},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/psrm.2018.26},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/horiuchi2020.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {20498489},
	journal = {Political Science Research and Methods},
	number = {1},
	pages = {75--91},
	title = {{Identifying Voter Preferences for Politicians' Personal Attributes: A Conjoint Experiment in Japan}},
	volume = {8},
	year = {2020},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2018.26}}

@article{Hill2002,
	abstract = {We document multiple forms of symbolic behavior by members of the U.S. Senate and then offer systematic tests intended to account for variations in such behavior. Our measures of symbolic behavior are developed from floor speeches in the Senate, and we demonstrate, first, that the major types of speeches match particular home style activities and other commonly recognized behaviors of legislators. Our empirical tests provide evidence that the frequency with which senators give particular kinds of speeches is predictable by theoretically grounded expectations about their representational, positional, and strategic interests. Our results provide support for the prospect of systematic analysis of symbolic behavior and representation and for developing integrated theory that takes account of symbolic and policy representation simultaneously.},
	author = {Hill, Kim Quaile and Hurley, Patricia A.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/1468-2508.00125},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/hill{\_}hurley2002.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00223816},
	journal = {Journal of Politics},
	number = {1},
	pages = {219--231},
	title = {{Symbolic Speeches in the U.S. Senate and Their Representational Implications}},
	volume = {64},
	year = {2002},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-2508.00125}}

@article{Hayes2017,
	abstract = {One of the major challenges in providing quality representation comes from the desire to balance the will of the majority with the needs of political minorities. Of particular importance is whether substantive or descriptive representation are necessary to create symbolic representation and perceptions that government outcomes are fair and legitimate. In this paper, we employ a novel experimental design to investigate how citizens feel about the relative importance of descriptive and substantive representation. Drawing on data from a nationally representative sample and two supplemental experiments, we show that citizens value descriptive representation independently of substantive representation. We also demonstrate that the degree of descriptive representation desired is conditional on the nature of the policy being considered.},
	author = {Hayes, Matthew and Hibbing, Matthew V.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/hayes{\_}hibbing2017.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Behavior},
	keywords = {Legitimacy,Race,Representation},
	number = {1},
	pages = {31--50},
	title = {{The Symbolic Benefits of Descriptive and Substantive Representation}},
	volume = {39},
	year = {2017}}

@incollection{Harden2015a,
	author = {Harden, Jeffrey J.},
	booktitle = {Multidimensional Democracy},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/cbo9781316442920.002},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/harden2016{\_}1.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {9781316442920},
	pages = {19--49},
	title = {{A Supply and Demand Theory of Representation}},
	year = {2015},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/cbo9781316442920.002}}

@incollection{Harden2015,
	address = {Cambridge},
	author = {Harden, Jeffrey J.},
	booktitle = {Multidimensional {Democracy}. {A} {Supply} and {Demand} {Theory} of {Representation} in {American} {Legislatures}},
	doi = {10.1017/cbo9781316442920.003},
	file = {PDF:/Users/christopherwratil/Zotero/storage/4GR8PFRU/harden2016_2.pdf:application/pdf},
	isbn = {978-1-316-44292-0},
	pages = {50--83},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {Citizen {Demand} for the {Dimensions} of {Representation}},
	year = {2015},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/cbo9781316442920.003}}

@article{Hainmueller2014,
	abstract = {Survey experiments are a core tool for causal inference. Yet, the design of classical survey experiments prevents them from identifying which components of a multidimensional treatment are influential. Here, we show how conjoint analysis, an experimental design yet to be widely applied in political science, enables researchers to estimate the causal effects of multiple treatment components and assess several causal hypotheses simultaneously. In conjoint analysis, respondents score a set of alternatives, where each has randomly varied attributes. Here, we undertake a formal identification analysis to integrate conjoint analysis with the potential outcomes framework for causal inference. We propose a new causal estimand and show that it can be nonparametrically identified and easily estimated from conjoint data using a fully randomized design. The analysis enables us to propose diagnostic checks for the identification assumptions. We then demonstrate the value of these techniques through empirical applications to voter decision making and attitudes toward immigrants.},
	author = {Hainmueller, Jens and Hopkins, Daniel J. and Yamamoto, Teppei},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1093/pan/mpt024},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop//Hainmueller, Hopkins, Yamamoto - 2014 - Causal Inference in Conjoint Analysis Understanding Multidimensional Choices via Stated Preferen.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1047-1987},
	issn = {10471987},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	number = {1},
	pages = {1--30},
	title = {{Causal Inference in Conjoint Analysis: Understanding Multidimensional Choices via Stated Preference Experiments}},
	volume = {22},
	year = {2014},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpt024}}

@article{Grynberg2019,
	abstract = {A surprising development in the post-referendum Brexit process has been that vote intentions have remained largely stable, despite the cumbersome withdrawal negotiations. We examine this puzzle by analyzing the role of voters' expectations about the European Union's willingness to accommodate the UK after the pro-Brexit vote. Using data from the British Election Study, we explore how these expectations are updated over time, and how they are related to vote intentions. We find that voters who were more optimistic about the European Union's response were more likely to vote Leave. Over the course of the negotiations, Leavers have become more disillusioned. These adjustments, however, have not translated into shifts in vote intentions. Overall, we find evidence that motivated reasoning is an important driver of public opinion on Brexit.},
	author = {Grynberg, Charlotte and Walter, Stefanie and Wasserfallen, Fabio},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/1465116519892328},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Grynberg, Walter, Wasserfallen - 2019 - Expectations, Vote Choice and Opinion Stability since the 2016 Brexit Referendum.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {17412757},
	journal = {European Union Politics},
	keywords = {Brexit,disintegration,expectations,motivated reasoning,referendum},
	title = {{Expectations, Vote Choice and Opinion Stability since the 2016 Brexit Referendum}},
	year = {2019},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1465116519892328}}

@article{Grimmer2013a,
	abstract = {Politics and political conflict often occur in the written and spoken word. Scholars have long recognized this, but the massive costs of analyzing even moderately sized collections of texts have hindered their use in political science research. Here lies the promise of automated text analysis: it substantially reduces the costs of analyzing large collections of text. We provide a guide to this exciting new area of research and show how, in many instances, the methods have already obtained part of their promise. But there are pitfalls to using automated methods---they are no substitute for careful thought and close reading and require extensive and problem-specific validation. We survey a wide range of new methods, provide guidance on how to validate the output of the models, and clarify misconceptions and errors in the litera- ture. To conclude, we argue that for automated text methods to become a standard tool for political scientists, methodologists must contribute new methods and new methods of validation. 1},
	annote = {Review of automatic content analysis techniques








Overview graphic of automatic content analysis techniques (268)








Importance of validating new methods on new data sets (268)








All quantitative models of language are wrong (269-270)
-{\textgreater} data-generating process of texts is largely unknown
-{\textgreater} the rule of including all aspects of the data-generating process into a model does not hold for quantitative text models
-{\textgreater} evaluation on basis of practical relevance and not ability to mimic data-generating process
















No quantitative method replaces humans (270)
-{\textgreater} deep understanding of texts is necessary to apply automated methods
-{\textgreater} computers amplify human abilities








There is no globally best method for automated content analysis (270-271)
-{\textgreater} depends on research question








Validation is key (271)
-{\textgreater} validate with human codings
-{\textgreater} do not use commercial software, which does not allow for changes of analysis








Acquiring texts (271-272)
-{\textgreater} automatic scraping methods (Jackman 2006)
-{\textgreater} Amazon's Mechanical Turk for recruiting helpers (Berinsky, Huber, and Lenz 2012)
-{\textgreater} scanning from archives (Eggers and Hainmueller 2009)
-{\textgreater} conditions for using methods








Order of words is not as important as we might think (272)








Stemming (272-273)
-{\textgreater} including stop word elimination as well as elimination of very uncommon words








Alternative methods for representing text (273)
- sub-string kernels -{\textgreater} account for word order








Dictionary methods (274)
-{\textgreater} dictionaries available
-{\textgreater} production of new dictionaries
-{\textgreater} more validation needed (275)








Supervised learning methods (275-278)
-{\textgreater} advantages
-{\textgreater} software for supervised learning methods
-{\textgreater} constructing a training set
-{\textgreater} applying a supervised learning model (276-278)
















Validating supervised learning methods (279)
-{\textgreater} hand-coding as gold standard
-{\textgreater} cross-validation by partitioning learning sets








Discovering categories and topics (280-281)
-{\textgreater} a priori vs. a posteriori categories
-{\textgreater} unsupervised learning methods
-{\textgreater} demonstrating usefulness of clustering produced
-{\textgreater} supervised methods normally trump if there are predetermined categories








Clustering algorithms (282-284)
-{\textgreater} FCA (fast agglomerative clustering)
-{\textgreater} single membership models (classify in one category)
-{\textgreater} mixed membership models (identify several topics, e.g. LDA)








Topic models in political science (284-285)
-{\textgreater} expressed agenda model (individual, senator)
-{\textgreater} dynamic multitopic model (time, day)
-{\textgreater} LDA (texts)
-{\textgreater} combining diffent models








CAC (context-adaptive clustering)








Setting the number of clusters (285-286)
-{\textgreater} must be defined by researcher
-{\textgreater} fit statistics are normally not helpful
-{\textgreater} notion of substantive fit








Validating unsupervised methods (286-291)
-{\textgreater} validating topics by reading documents
-{\textgreater} finding discriminating words
-{\textgreater} different forms of validity (semantic validity, predictive validity, convergent validity)








Scaling political actors (291-294)
-{\textgreater} less attention should be paid to replicating expert data and more to predictive validity (e.g. voting in legislatures)
-{\textgreater} ideological dominance assumption is violated by many text forms
-{\textgreater} wordscores
-{\textgreater} wordfish},
	author = {Grimmer, Justin and Stewart, Brandon M.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1093/pan/mps028},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Grimmer, Stewart - 2013 - Text as Data The Promise and Pitfalls of Automatic Content Analysis Methods for Political Texts.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1047-1987},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	keywords = {a priori vs. a posteriori topics,advantages of automated content analysis,automatic content analysis,conducting automated content analysis,critique of automated content analysis,validation of automated content analysis},
	mendeley-tags = {a priori vs. a posteriori topics,advantages of automated content analysis,automatic content analysis,conducting automated content analysis,critique of automated content analysis,validation of automated content analysis},
	month = {jan},
	number = {3},
	pages = {267--297},
	title = {{Text as Data: The Promise and Pitfalls of Automatic Content Analysis Methods for Political Texts}},
	url = {http://pan.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/doi/10.1093/pan/mps028},
	volume = {21},
	year = {2013},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://pan.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/doi/10.1093/pan/mps028},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pan/mps028}}

@article{Grimmer2013,
	abstract = {Congressional districts create two levels of representation. Studies of representation focus on a disaggregated level: the electoral connection between representatives and constituents. But there is a collective level of representation---the result of aggregating across representatives. This article uses new measures of home styles to demonstrate that responsiveness to constituents can have negative consequences for collective representation. The electoral connection causes marginal representatives---legislators with districts composed of the other party's partisans---to emphasize appropriations in their home styles. But it causes aligned representatives---those with districts filled with copartisans---to build their home styles around position taking. Aggregated across representatives, this results in an artificial polarization in stated party positions: aligned representatives, who tend to be ideologically extreme, dominate policy debates. The logic and evidence in this article provide an explanation for the apparent rise in vitriolic debate, and the new measures facilitate a literature on home styles.},
	author = {Grimmer, Justin},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/ajps.12000},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Grimmer - 2013 - Appropriators Not Position Takers The Distorting Effects of Electoral Incentives on Congressional Representation.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00925853},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	keywords = {aggregative representation,automatic content analysis,problems of responsiveness,representation,responsiveness},
	mendeley-tags = {aggregative representation,automatic content analysis,problems of responsiveness,representation,responsiveness},
	month = {jul},
	number = {3},
	pages = {624--642},
	title = {{Appropriators Not Position Takers: The Distorting Effects of Electoral Incentives on Congressional Representation}},
	url = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/ajps.12000},
	volume = {57},
	year = {2013},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/ajps.12000},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12000}}

@article{Griffin2011,
	abstract = {The authors uncover evidence that citizens' priorities about various spheres of legislative representation differ across demographic groups and that these differences are subsequently reflected in the in-office behavior of their elected officials. Specifically, African Americans and Latinos are less concerned than whites with policy representation-the attentiveness of elected officials to citizens' policy preferences-but place more emphasis on their district receiving its fair share of federal money. Citizens with higher incomes place a higher priority on policy representation and less on constituency service than do those with lower incomes. Importantly, these priorities map onto their member of Congress's behavior. {\textcopyright} 2011 University of Utah.},
	author = {Griffin, John D. and Flavin, Patrick},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/1065912910373552},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/griffin{\_}flavin2011.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {10659129},
	journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
	keywords = {Congress,constituency service,federal allocations,political inequality,political representation,public opinion},
	number = {3},
	pages = {520--533},
	title = {{How Citizens and Their Legislators Prioritize Spheres of Representation}},
	volume = {64},
	year = {2011},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912910373552}}

@article{Griffin2006,
	author = {Griffin, John D.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Griffin - 2006 - Electoral Competition and Democratic Responsiveness A Defense of the Marginality Hypothesis.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {The Journal of Politics},
	number = {4},
	pages = {911--921},
	title = {{Electoral Competition and Democratic Responsiveness: A Defense of the Marginality Hypothesis}},
	url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00477.x/full},
	volume = {68},
	year = {2006},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00477.x/full}}

@article{Gonzalez2020,
	abstract = {We develop and validate a novel experimental design that builds a bridge between experimental research on the theory of spatial voting and the literature on measuring policy positions from text. Our design utilizes established text-scaling techniques and their corresponding coding schemes to communicate candidates' numerical policy positions via verbal policy statements. This design allows researchers to investigate the relationship between candidates' policy stances and voter choice in a purely text-based context. We validate our approach with an online survey experiment. Our results generalize previous findings in the literature and show that proximity considerations are empirically prevalent in purely text-based issue framing scenarios. The design we develop is broad and portable, and we discuss how it adds to current experimental designs, as well as suggest several implications and possible routes for future research.},
	author = {Gonz{\'{a}}lez, Tanja Artiga and Granic, Georg D.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/S0003055419000492},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Gonz{\'{a}}lez, Granic - 2020 - Spatial Voting Meets Spatial Policy Positions An Experimental Appraisal.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15375943},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	pages = {285--290},
	title = {{Spatial Voting Meets Spatial Policy Positions: An Experimental Appraisal}},
	year = {2020},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055419000492}}

@article{Giger2019,
	abstract = {It is often argued that electoral vulnerability is critical to constituency responsiveness. We investigate this possibility using different measures of vulnerability, but argue that in the United States the Republican Party may be less responsive than the Democratic Party due to its core constituency and view of representation. We test our hypotheses relying on an innovative research design that exploits referenda in U.S. states to compare legislator voting behavior with voter preferences on exactly the same policy proposal, allowing us to overcome the measurement problems of much previous research. Based on a newly compiled data set of more than 3,000 voting decisions for 818 legislators on 27 referenda, we find high levels of congruence, but that congruence with the median voter is higher for legislators who are running for reelection. We also find that Democrats are more responsive after a close election but that Republicans are not sensitive to electoral margins.},
	author = {Giger, Nathalie and Kl{\"{u}}ver, Heike and Witko, Christopher},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/1532673X19891990},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/giger{\_}et{\_}al2019.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15523373},
	journal = {American Politics Research},
	keywords = {marginality,parties,referenda,representation,responsiveness},
	pages = {1--18},
	title = {{Electoral Vulnerability, Party Affiliation, and Dyadic Constituency Responsiveness in U.S. Legislatures}},
	year = {2019},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X19891990}}

@techreport{Gentzkow2018,
	address = {Palo Alto},
	author = {Gentzkow, Matthew and Shapiro, Jesse M. and Taddy, Matt},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	institution = {Stanford Library},
	title = {{Congressional Record for the 43rd-114th Congresses: Parsed Speeches and Phrase Counts}},
	year = {2018}}

@article{Geese2019,
	author = {Geese, Lucas and Schwemmer, Carsten},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1080/01402382.2018.1560196},
	issn = {0140-2382},
	journal = {West European Politics},
	month = {jun},
	number = {4},
	pages = {681--704},
	title = {{MPs' Principals and the Substantive Representation of Disadvantaged Immigrant Groups}},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01402382.2018.1560196},
	volume = {42},
	year = {2019},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01402382.2018.1560196},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2018.1560196}}

@book{Forst2011,
	address = {New York},
	author = {Forst, Rainer},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	pages = {384},
	publisher = {Columbia University Press},
	title = {{The Right to Justification: Elements of a Constructivist Theory of Justice}},
	year = {2011}}

@book{Fiorina,
	author = {Fiorina, Morris P. and Abrams, Samuel J.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	pages = {376},
	publisher = {University of Oklahoma Press},
	title = {{Disconnect: The Breakdown of Representation in American Politics}},
	year = {2012}}

@book{Festinger1957,
	author = {Festinger, Leon},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	pages = {291},
	publisher = {Stanford University Press},
	title = {{A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance}},
	url = {http://www.amazon.co.uk/Theory-Cognitive-Dissonance-Leon-Festinger/dp/0804709114},
	year = {1957},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://www.amazon.co.uk/Theory-Cognitive-Dissonance-Leon-Festinger/dp/0804709114}}

@article{Fenno1977,
	author = {Fenno, Richard F. Jr.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Fenno - 1977 - U.S. House Members in Their Constituencies An Exploration.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {3},
	pages = {883--917},
	title = {{U.S. House Members in Their Constituencies: An Exploration}},
	volume = {71},
	year = {1977}}

@article{Faas2003,
	abstract = {This study analyzes party group cohesion and patterns of defections of national party delegations from party group lines in the European Parliament (EP), using a total of 2,582 roll call votes. The study confirms previous findings according to which party groups in the EP show (surprisingly) high levels of cohesion. Nevertheless, it reveals the circumstances under which Members of the EP (MEPs) and their national delegations are more likely to defect, using the candidate selection process, the electoral system and relationships between MEPs and their home parties as explanatory variables. Assuming that MEPs have three different goals (re-election, office and policy), and want above all to secure reelection, one can expect that those MEPs whose chances of re-election are more dependent on national parties than others are more willing to vote against the party group line if a conflict between party group and national party emerges. Empirically, this is confirmed.},
	author = {Faas, Thorsten},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.00106},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/faas2003.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {03044130},
	journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
	number = {6},
	pages = {841--866},
	title = {{To Defect or Not to Defect? National, Institutional and Party Group Pressures on MEPs and Their Consequences for Party Group Cohesion in the European Parliament}},
	volume = {42},
	year = {2003},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00106}}

@article{Ezrow2011,
	abstract = {The authors examine the relationship between the variation of policy choices on offer in a party system and citizen satisfaction. Cross-national analyses, based on 12 countries from 1976 to 2003, are presented that suggest that when party choices in a political system are more ideologically proximate to the mean voter position in left-right terms, overall citizen satisfaction increases. The central implication of this finding is that party positions matter for under-standing within-country changes in satisfaction.},
	author = {Ezrow, L. and Xezonakis, G.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/0010414011405461},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Ezrow, Xezonakis - 2011 - Citizen Satisfaction With Democracy and Parties' Policy Offerings.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0010-4140},
	issn = {0010-4140},
	journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
	keywords = {citizen satisfaction,party,political parties,representation,western europe},
	number = {9},
	pages = {1152--1178},
	title = {{Citizen Satisfaction With Democracy and Parties' Policy Offerings}},
	volume = {44},
	year = {2011},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414011405461}}

@book{Evans2017,
	author = {Evans, Geoffrey and Menon, Anand},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	pages = {140},
	publisher = {John Wiley {\&} Sons},
	title = {{Brexit and British Politics}},
	year = {2017}}

@article{Eulau1977,
	abstract = {This study examines the conceptualization of representation, particularly the problems resulting from conceiving of it simply in terms of congruence between the attitudes of constituents and of representatives on policy questions. It examines critically some of the work that followed the innovative study of Miller and Stokes. Regarding representation as responsiveness, it identifies four components of this concept: policy, service, allocation, and symbolic responsiveness.},
	author = {Eulau, Heinz and Karps, Paul D.},
	doi = {10.2307/439340},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Library/Mobile Documents/com{\~{}}apple{\~{}}CloudDocs/Mendeley Literature/Eulau, Karps - 1977 - The Puzzle of Representation Specifying Components of Responsiveness.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {03629805},
	journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
	mendeley-groups = {PhD Thesis/Operationalizing Multidimensional Representation},
	number = {3},
	pages = {233},
	title = {{The Puzzle of Representation: Specifying Components of Responsiveness}},
	volume = {2},
	year = {1977},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.2307/439340}}

@article{Eulau1959,
	author = {Eulau, Heinz and Wahlke, John C . and Buchanan, William and Ferguson, Leroy C .},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Eulau et al. - 1959 - The Role of the Representative Some Empirical Observations on the Theory of Edmund Burke.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {3},
	pages = {742--756},
	title = {{The Role of the Representative: Some Empirical Observations on the Theory of Edmund Burke}},
	volume = {53},
	year = {1959}}

@book{Druckman2016a,
	address = {Chicago},
	author = {Druckman, James N. and Jacobs, Lawrence R.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	pages = {192},
	publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
	title = {{Who Governs? Presidents, Public Opinion, and Manipulation}},
	year = {2016}}

@article{Druckman2013b,
	abstract = {Competition is a defining element of democracy. One of the most noteworthy events over the last quarter-century in U.S. politics is the change in the nature of elite party competition: The parties have become increasingly polarized. Scholars and pundits actively debate how these elite patterns influence polarization among the public (e.g., have citizens also become more ideologically polarized?). Yet, few have addressed what we see as perhaps more fundamental questions: Has elite polarization altered the way citizens arrive at their policy opinions in the first place and, if so, in what ways?We address these questions with a theory and two survey experiments (on the issues of drilling and immigration). We find stark evidence that polarized environments fundamentally change how citizens make decisions. Specifically, polarization intensifies the impact of party endorsements on opinions, decreases the impact of substantive information and, perhaps ironically, stimulates greater confidence in those---less substantively grounded---opinions. We discuss the implications for public opinion formation and the nature of democratic competition.},
	author = {Druckman, James N. and Peterson, Erik and Slothuus, Rune},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/S0003055412000500},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop//Druckman, Peterson, Slothuus - 2013 - How Elite Partisan Polarization Affects Public Opinion Formation(2).pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {00030554},
	issn = {0003-0554},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {1},
	pages = {57--79},
	pmid = {1292044270},
	title = {{How Elite Partisan Polarization Affects Public Opinion Formation}},
	url = {http://www.journals.cambridge.org/abstract{\_}S0003055412000500},
	volume = {107},
	year = {2013},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://www.journals.cambridge.org/abstract%7B%5C_%7DS0003055412000500},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055412000500}}

@misc{Dovi2018,
	author = {Dovi, Suzanne},
	booktitle = {Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	title = {{Political Representation}},
	url = {https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/political-representation/},
	year = {2018},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/political-representation/}}

@book{Dolan2014,
	address = {Oxford},
	author = {Dolan, Kathleen},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	pages = {245},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{When Does Gender Matter?: Women Candidates and Gender Stereotypes in American Elections}},
	year = {2014}}

@unpublished{Doherty2015,
	author = {Doherty, David},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Doherty - 2015 - The Public's Concept of Representation.pdf:pdf},
	title = {{The Public's Concept of Representation}},
	year = {2015}}

@article{Doherty2013,
	abstract = {Abstract R epresentatives face clear incentives to respond to district preferences. I report findings from a series of experiments that examine whether the public understands these incentives and rewards representatives who respond to them. The findings show that although many people say they want legislators to prioritize national preferences, when evaluating instances of legislators' behavior they recognize the institutionally prescribed incentives representatives face and reward legislators who prioritize their districts. I also find that, to the extent that people hold their own legislators to unique standards, these differences are not the product of an expectation that one's own representative prioritize the district while others prioritize the country. Instead, the differences suggest that people understand that their own legislator is accountable to them, personally, whereas other representatives are not. The findings offer novel insight into the standards people hold representatives to and challenge the notion that people want legislators to reject institutional incentives.},
	author = {Doherty, David},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1093/poq/nfs052},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Doherty - 2013 - To Whom Do People Think Representatives Should Respond Their District or the Country.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {0033-362X},
	journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
	number = {1},
	pages = {237--255},
	title = {{To Whom Do People Think Representatives Should Respond: Their District or the Country?}},
	url = {http://poq.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/doi/10.1093/poq/nfs052},
	volume = {77},
	year = {2013},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://poq.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/doi/10.1093/poq/nfs052},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfs052}}

@article{Disch2017,
	author = {Disch, Lisa},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.4324/9781315681696-6},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/disch2011.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {9781317400943},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {1},
	pages = {100--114},
	title = {{Toward A Mobilization Conception of Democratic Representation}},
	volume = {105},
	year = {2011},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315681696-6}}

@article{Disch2015,
	author = {Disch, Lisa},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/1467-8675.12201},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/disch2015.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Constellations},
	number = {4},
	pages = {487--499},
	title = {{The ``Constructivist Turn'' in Democratic Representation: A Normative Dead-End?}},
	volume = {22},
	year = {2015},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12201}}

@book{Disch,
	address = {Edinburgh},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	editor = {Disch, Lisa and van de Sande, Mathijs and Urbinati, Nadia},
	publisher = {Edinburgh University Press},
	title = {{The Constructivist Turn in Political Representation}},
	year = {2019}}

@article{DeWilde2013,
	abstract = {This contribution presents a detailed methodological discussion on the empirical study of political representation. It confronts Saward's conceptualization of the representative claim with the method of claims analysis, developed by Koopmans and Statham. Drawing on Saward, the contribution emphasizes the theoretical need to study the act of representation in the form of claims through which connections between representatives and represented are made. Drawing on Koopmans and Statham, the contribution stresses an empirical focus on public spheres in which claims are located. While theory of representation so far remains overly complex in light of the reality of representation in the public sphere, the empirical analysis of claims ignores theoretically important aspects of representation. The theoretically informed and empirically viable methodological approach of representative claims analysis (RCA) is therefore proposed to facilitate future inquiry.},
	author = {de Wilde, Pieter},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1080/13501763.2013.746128},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/de Wilde - 2013 - Representative Claims Analysis Theory Meets Method.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {9781134927388},
	issn = {1350-1763},
	journal = {Journal of European Public Policy},
	keywords = {Claims analysis,European Union,globalization,methods,representation},
	number = {2},
	pages = {278--294},
	title = {{Representative Claims Analysis: Theory Meets Method}},
	url = {http://www-tandfonline-com.ru.idm.oclc.org/doi/abs/10.1080/13501763.2013.746128},
	volume = {20},
	year = {2013},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://www-tandfonline-com.ru.idm.oclc.org/doi/abs/10.1080/13501763.2013.746128},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2013.746128}}

@article{Decadri2020,
	abstract = {Common wisdom suggests that populist politicians use a simple language. While scholars have provided vast anecdotal evidence of populists' plain speech style, the empirical literature on populist communication offers very few and mixed comprehensive evaluations of the complexity of elected officials' language. This paper relies on a novel populist dictionary and 78,855 utterances from the 17th Italian parliament--March 2013--July 2016--to comprehensively study the link between populism and speech complexity. We argue that ideological and electoral considerations lead populist parties and politicians to employ a straightforward language. Moreover, we claim that party membership shapes the rhetoric of elected officials, leading members of populist parties to use a simpler language. Using computer-assisted text analytic techniques to inspect parliamentary speeches given by the members of nine Italian parties, we perform a difference-in-differences analysis of the influence of party switching on legislators' behaviour. Our results suggest that populist ideology, electoral strategy, and party membership influence legislators' language complexity. Our overarching conclusion is that language simplicity might be thought of as a feature of populist communication. This arguably has implications for the ability of populist actors to use a simple communication style to outperform their mainstream counterparts when competing for voters' support.},
	author = {Decadri, Silvia and Boussalis, Constantine},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1080/17457289.2019.1593182},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/decadri{\_}boussalis2020.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {17457297},
	journal = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
	number = {4},
	pages = {484--503},
	publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
	title = {{Populism, Party Membership, and Language Complexity in the Italian Chamber of Deputies}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2019.1593182},
	volume = {30},
	year = {2020},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2019.1593182}}

@article{Davidson1970,
	author = {Davidson, Roger H.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Davidson - 1970 - Public Prescriptions for the Job of Congressman.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Midwest Journal of Political Science},
	number = {4},
	pages = {648--666},
	title = {{Public Prescriptions for the Job of Congressman}},
	volume = {14},
	year = {1970}}

@book{Dalton2007a,
	author = {Dalton, Russell J.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	pages = {230},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{Democratic Challenges, Democratic Choices: The Erosion of Political Support in Advanced Industrial Democracies}},
	year = {2007}}

@article{Dahlberg2015,
	abstract = {Although the phenomenon of dissatisfied democrats has been frequently discussed in the literature, it has not often been empirically investigated. This article sets out to analyse the discrepancy between the strong support for democratic principles and the widespread discontent with the way democracy works. Drawing on earlier research on the sources of political support, using data from a wide range of democracies, the relevance of two contrasting explanatory perspectives are investigated. The first perspective argues that the sources of democratic discontent are found on the input-side of the political system in terms of representation. The contrasting view argues that the output-side of the political system is most important, where the quality of government plays the pivotal role. The results of the empirical analysis suggest that, in general, both types of factor are important, but also that these processes to a large extent are conditioned by the level of institutional consolidation.},
	author = {Dahlberg, Stefan and Linde, Jonas and Holmberg, S{\"{o}}ren},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/1467-9248.12170},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop//Dahlberg, Linde, Holmberg - 2015 - Democratic Discontent in Old and New Democracies Assessing the Importance of Democratic Input and Gov.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1467-9248},
	issn = {14679248},
	journal = {Political Studies},
	keywords = {Democratic discontent,Government performance,Institutional consolidation,Quality of government,Representative democracy},
	number = {S1},
	pages = {18--37},
	title = {{Democratic Discontent in Old and New Democracies: Assessing the Importance of Democratic Input and Governmental Output}},
	volume = {63},
	year = {2015},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.12170}}

@article{Costa2020,
	abstract = {How do citizens want to be represented by elected officials in an era of affective polarization? Contemporary narratives about American politics argue that people embrace elite expressions of negative partisanship, above and beyond representation on policy. Using three conjoint experiments, I examine how individuals weigh the relative value of substantive representation on issues, constituency service, and partisan affect. The findings challenge the notion that Americans are primarily motivated by their affective, partisan identities and demonstrate the value of policy congruence and service responsiveness in terms of perceptions of political representation. The implication is that people evaluate elected officials in ways that we would expect them to in a healthy, functioning representative democracy, rather than one characterized by partisan animus. Even if polarization is driven by ``affect, not ideology,'' citizens prioritize representational styles centered around the issues that matter to them.},
	author = {Costa, Mia},
	doi = {10.1111/ajps.12571},
	file = {:Users/wratil/Library/Mobile Documents/com$\sim$apple$\sim$CloudDocs/Mendeley Literature/Costa - 2021 - Ideology, Not Affect What Americans Want from Political Representation.pdf:pdf;:Users/wratil/Library/Mobile Documents/com$\sim$apple$\sim$CloudDocs/Mendeley Literature/Costa - 2021 - Ideology, Not Affect What Americans Want from Political Representation(2).pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15405907},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	mendeley-groups = {PhD Thesis/Operationalizing Multidimensional Representation},
	number = {2},
	pages = {342--358},
	title = {{Ideology, Not Affect: What Americans Want from Political Representation}},
	volume = {65},
	year = {2021},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12571}}

@article{Costa2018,
	abstract = {Most foundational theories of congressional representation were developed during an era of less polarized and less partisan politics. These theories viewed the incumbency advantage as buttressed by the fact that some constituents were willing to support legislators from the opposite party because of their ``home styles.'' But in an era of policy immoderation in Congress, this perspective leads to an assumption that citizens evaluate their members of Congress based on what those legislators do for them individually, rather than what they do for their districts more broadly. In this paper, we ask whether citizens take the interests of their fellow constituents into account when evaluating their members of Congress. Using both survey data and an experiment, we uncover support for the notion that citizens take a more communal view of representation as at least part of their evaluations of their representatives. This suggests individuals may have a more nuanced understanding of representation than purely self-interested approaches tend to assume.},
	author = {Costa, Mia and Johnson, Kaylee T. and Schaffner, Brian F.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1007/s11109-017-9393-9},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/costa{\_}et{\_}al2018.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {01909320},
	journal = {Political Behavior},
	keywords = {Congress,Experiment,Representation},
	number = {2},
	pages = {301--320},
	publisher = {Springer US},
	title = {{Rethinking Representation from a Communal Perspective}},
	volume = {40},
	year = {2018},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-017-9393-9}}

@article{Coppock2019a,
	abstract = {Researchers have increasingly turned to online convenience samples as sources of survey responses that are easy and inexpensive to collect. As reliance on these sources has grown, so too have concerns about the use of convenience samples in general and Amazon's Mechanical Turk in particular. We distinguish between ``external validity'' and theoretical relevance, with the latter being the more important justification for any data collection strategy. We explore an alternative source of online convenience samples, the Lucid Fulcrum Exchange, and assess its suitability for online survey experimental research. Our point of departure is the 2012 study by Berinsky, Huber, and Lenz that compares Amazon's Mechanical Turk to US national probability samples in terms of respondent characteristics and treatment effect estimates. We replicate these same analyses using a large sample of survey responses on the Lucid platform. Our results indicate that demographic and experimental findings on Lucid track well with US national benchmarks, with the exception of experimental treatments that aim to dispel the ``death panel'' rumor regarding the Affordable Care Act. We conclude that subjects recruited from the Lucid platform constitute a sample that is suitable for evaluating many social scientific theories, and can serve as a drop-in replacement for many scholars currently conducting research on Mechanical Turk or other similar platforms.},
	author = {Coppock, Alexander and McClellan, Oliver A.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/2053168018822174},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/coppock{\_}mcclellan2019.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {20531680},
	journal = {Research and Politics},
	keywords = {Survey experiments,convenience samples,generalizability},
	number = {1},
	pages = {1--14},
	title = {{Validating the Demographic, Political, Psychological, and Experimental Results Obtained from a New Source of Online Survey Respondents}},
	volume = {6},
	year = {2019},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/2053168018822174}}

@article{Christenson2015,
	abstract = {Scholars of redistricting often discuss ``communities of interest'' as a guideline for drawing districts, but scholarship offers little guidance on how citizens construe communities and interests in the context of representation. In this article, we seek to better understand how citizens' perceptions of people and places affect preferences regarding representation. Using an original survey conducted in 15 Massachusetts communities, we explore whether citizens have meaningful preferences about the communities with whom they share the same representative. To the extent they do, we test whether these preferences are driven by geographic considerations or other factors such as partisanship, race, and socioeconomic status. Our findings not only offer the opportunity to refine the concept of ``communities of interest'' to account for voter preferences but also more broadly speak to the literature on the increasingly political nature of residential preferences and their impact on political attitudes, participation, and voting behavior.},
	author = {Christenson, Dino and Makse, Todd},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/1532673X14552127},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/christenson{\_}makse2015.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15523373},
	journal = {American Politics Research},
	keywords = {communities of interest,public opinion,redistricting,representation},
	number = {3},
	pages = {451--478},
	title = {{Mass Preferences on Shared Representation and the Composition of Legislative Districts}},
	volume = {43},
	year = {2015},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X14552127}}

@article{Chong2007b,
	abstract = {What is the effect of democratic competition on the power of elites to frame public opinion? We address this issue first by defining the range of competitive contexts that might surround any debate over a policy issue. We then offer a theory that predicts how audiences, messages, and competitive environments interact to influence the magnitude of framing effects. These hypotheses are tested using experimental data gathered on the opinions of adults and college students toward two policy issues--- the management of urban growth and the right of an extremist group to conduct a rally. Our results indicate that framing effects depend more heavily on the qualities of frames than on their frequency of dissemination and that competition alters but does not eliminate the influence of framing. We conclude by discussing the implications of these results for the study of public opinion and democratic political debate},
	author = {Chong, Dennis and Druckman, James N.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/S0003055407070554},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Chong, Druckman - 2007 - Framing Public Opinion in Competitive Democracies.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0003-0554},
	issn = {0003-0554},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {4},
	pages = {637--655},
	title = {{Framing Public Opinion in Competitive Democracies}},
	volume = {101},
	year = {2007},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055407070554}}

@article{Catalano2009,
	abstract = {The recent push for more women parliamentarians around the world via positive action measures such as gender quotas naturally begs the question of whether the increased descriptive representation of women in parliament is making a substantive difference, in terms of the types of policies passed, behavioral norms, and procedures. How does the substantive representation of women take place? One way of measuring gendered impacts in politics is to look at the participation of Members of Parliament (MPs) in formal, parliamentary debate on key policy issues. It is reasonable to assume that one (though certainly not the only) measure of a good MP is his or her ability to contribute his or her voice and thoughts to public policy debates in parliament. Furthermore, if we consider women MPs representative of women in particular as a marginalized group, making their voices heard in parliamentary debates is perhaps one of the best ways of acting for women. As Melissa Williams (1998, 138) argues, the unique voice of women is a necessary component for women's political equality:. {\textcopyright} 2009, The Women and Politics Research Section of the American Political Science Association. All rights reserved.},
	author = {Catalano, Ana},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/S1743923X09000038},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/catalano2009.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {17439248},
	journal = {Politics and Gender},
	number = {1},
	pages = {45--68},
	title = {{Women Acting for Women? An Analysis of Gender and Debate Participation in the British House of Commons 2005--2007}},
	volume = {5},
	year = {2009},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X09000038}}

@unpublished{CastanhoSilva,
	author = {{Castanho Silva}, Bruno and Wratil, Christopher},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	title = {{Do Parties' Representation Failures Affect Populist Attitudes? Evidence from a Multinational Survey Experiment}}}

@article{Carson2010,
	abstract = {To what extent is party loyalty a liability for incumbent legislators? Past research on legislative voting and elections suggests that voters punish members who are ideologically ``out of step'' with their districts. In seeking to move beyond the emphasis in the literature on the effects of ideological extremity on legislative vote share, we examine how partisan loyalty can adversely affect legislators' electoral fortunes. Specifically, we estimate the effects of each legislator's party unity---the tendency of a member to vote with his or her party on salient issues that divide the two major parties---on vote margin when running for reelection. Our results suggest that party loyalty on divisive votes can indeed be a liability for incumbent House members. In fact, we find that voters are not punishing elected representatives for being too ideological; they are punishing them for being too partisan.},
	author = {Carson, Jamie L. and Koger, Gregory and Lebo, Matthew J. and Young, Everett},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00449.x},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Carson et al. - 2010 - The Electoral Costs of Party Loyalty in Congress.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0092-5853},
	issn = {00925853},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {3},
	pages = {598--616},
	title = {{The Electoral Costs of Party Loyalty in Congress}},
	volume = {54},
	year = {2010},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00449.x}}

@article{Carman2007,
	abstract = {While much of the extant research on political representation focuses on congruence issues and elite perceptions of their representational roles, little has been done to examine how members of the general public think about representational relationship. Often, constituents are assumed to be passive actors in the representational process. This paper advances the argument that individuals have preferences over how tightly bound elected representatives should be to constituent policy preferences and that these preferences are contextual, varying by the degree to which constituents perceive that their representative shares characteristics similar to those of the individual. Two data sources are used to verify this argument: (1) the 1978 ANES and (2) data collected for Congress' Obey Commission, 1976-1977. These data provide evidence that public representational preferences have a systematic component. Most significantly, the study finds that members of minority groups have contextually derived preferences for political representation},
	author = {Carman, Christopher J.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1080/13689880601132497},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Carman - 2007 - Assessing Preferences for Political Representation in the USA.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1368-9886},
	issn = {1745-7289},
	journal = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion {\&} Parties},
	keywords = {Political science (General)},
	number = {1},
	pages = {37--41},
	title = {{Assessing Preferences for Political Representation in the USA}},
	url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13689880601132497},
	volume = {17},
	year = {2007},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13689880601132497}}

@article{Carman2006,
	abstract = {Representation, both as a normative concept and a political process, has generated a rich literature across several national contexts. To develop our understanding of representational systems, scholars tend to assess the degree of policy congruence between parliamentarians and constituents as well as the role orientations adopted by elected parliamentarians and legislators. This paper contends that in order to have a complete understanding of representational systems, we must consider not only the representational roles adopted by parliamentarians, but also the publics' preferences regarding parliamentary representation. Specifically, I posit that individuals have attitudes about the type and degree of relationship that they believe should exist between elected parliamentarians, parties and constituents. Using data from a 2003 survey of the British public, I test the related hypotheses that individuals have meaningful and predictable preferences for the representational relationship they share with their members of parliament (MPs) and that these representational preferences in turn influence how individuals evaluate MPs. Finding support for both hypotheses, I argue that developing an understanding of normative public preferences for political representation is an important and overlooked component in advancing models of public support of both elected officials and governing institutions.},
	author = {Carman, Christopher J.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2006.00568.x},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Carman - 2006 - Public Preferences for Parliamentary Representation in the UK An Overlooked Link.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1467-9248},
	issn = {00323217},
	journal = {Political Studies},
	number = {1},
	pages = {103--122},
	title = {{Public Preferences for Parliamentary Representation in the UK: An Overlooked Link?}},
	volume = {54},
	year = {2006},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2006.00568.x}}

@article{Carey2009,
	author = {Carey, John M},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/carey2007.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {1},
	pages = {92--107},
	title = {{Competing Principals, Political Institutions, and Party Unity in Legislative Voting}},
	volume = {51},
	year = {2007}}

@article{Campbell2017,
	author = {Campbell, Rosie and Heath, Oliver},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/S1743923X16000672},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/campbell{\_}heath2017.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {17439248},
	journal = {Politics and Gender},
	number = {2},
	pages = {209--231},
	title = {{Do Women Vote for Women Candidates? Attitudes toward Descriptive Representation and Voting Behavior in the 2010 British Election}},
	volume = {13},
	year = {2017},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X16000672}}

@article{Campbell2016,
	archiveprefix = {arXiv},
	arxivid = {arXiv:0811.2183v2},
	author = {Campbell, Rosie and Cowley, Philip and Vivyan, Nick and Wagner, Markus},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/S0007123416000223},
	eprint = {arXiv:0811.2183v2},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Campbell et al. - 2016 - Legislator Dissent as a Valence Signal.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {9783642121425},
	issn = {14692112},
	journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
	number = {1},
	pages = {105--128},
	pmid = {23347591},
	title = {{Legislator Dissent as A Valence Signal}},
	volume = {49},
	year = {2019},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123416000223}}

@article{Butler2012,
	abstract = {We conducted a field experiment involving roughly 1,000 letters sent by actual individuals to nearly 500 different legislative offices in order to test whether legislative offices prioritize service over policy in their home style. We find strong evidence that both state and federal legislative offices are more responsive to service requests than they are to policy requests. This pattern is consistent with the desire of legislators to gain leeway with their constituents in order to pursue their own policy goals. We also find that at the federal level Democrats prioritize service over policy more than Republicans and at the state level legislators who won by larger margins are more likely to prioritize service over policy. Finally, our results suggest that the decision to prioritize service occurs in how the office is structured. Among other things this suggests that legislators may be microtargeting less than is often supposed.},
	author = {Butler, Daniel M. and Karpowitz, Christopher F. and Pope, Jeremy C.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/S0022381611001708},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Butler, Karpowitz, Pope - 2012 - A Field Experiment on Legislators' Home Styles Service versus Policy.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0022-3816, Print$\backslash$r1468-2508, Electronic},
	issn = {0022-3816},
	journal = {The Journal of Politics},
	number = {02},
	pages = {474--486},
	title = {{A Field Experiment on Legislators' Home Styles: Service versus Policy}},
	volume = {74},
	year = {2012},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022381611001708}}

@article{Broockman2017,
	abstract = {Influential theories depict politicians as, alternatively, strongly constrained by public opinion, able to shape public opinion with persuasive appeals, or relatively unconstrained by public opinion and able to shape it merely by announcing their positions. To test these theories, we conducted unique field experiments in cooperation with sitting politicians in which U.S. state legislators sent constituents official communications with randomly assigned content. The legislators sometimes stated their issue positions in these letters, sometimes supported by extensive arguments but sometimes minimally justified; in many cases, these issue positions were at odds with voters'. An ostensibly unrelated survey found that voters often adopted the positions legislators took, even when legislators offered little justification. Moreover, voters did not evaluate their legislators more negatively when representatives took positions these voters had previously opposed, again regardless of whether legislators provided justifications. The findings are consistent with theories suggesting voters often defer to politicians' policy judgments.},
	author = {Broockman, David E. and Butler, Daniel M.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/ajps.12243},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/broockman{\_}butler2017.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15405907},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {1},
	pages = {208--221},
	title = {{The Causal Effects of Elite Position-Taking on Voter Attitudes: Field Experiments with Elite Communication}},
	volume = {61},
	year = {2017},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12243}}

@article{Broockman2013,
	abstract = {Why are politicians more likely to advance the interests of those of their race? I present a field experiment demonstrating that black politicians are more intrinsically motivated to advance blacks' interests than are their counterparts. Guided by elite interviews, I emailed 6,928 U.S. state legislators from a putatively black alias asking for help signing up for state unemployment benefits. Crucially, I varied the legislators' political incentive to respond by randomizing whether the sender purported to live within or far from each legislator's district.While nonblack legislators weremarkedly less likely to respond when their political incentives to do so were diminished, black legislators typically continued to respond even when doing so promised little political reward. Black legislators thus appear substantially more intrinsically motivated to advance blacks' interests.As political decisionmaking is often difficult for voters to observe, intrinsicallymotivated descriptive representatives play a crucial role in advancingminorities' political interests.},
	author = {Broockman, David E.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/ajps.12018},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/broockman2013.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15405907},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {3},
	pages = {521--536},
	title = {{Black Politicians Are More Intrinsically Motivated to Advance Backs' Interests: A Field Experiment Manipulating Political Incentives}},
	volume = {57},
	year = {2013},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12018}}

@article{Brack2012,
	author = {Brack, Nathalie and Costa, Olivier and {Pequito Teixeira}, Concei{\c{c}}{\~{a}}o},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1080/00344893.2012.720884},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Brack, Costa, Pequito Teixeira - 2012 - Attitudes Towards the Focus and Style of Political Representation Among Belgian, French and Port.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {0034-4893},
	journal = {Representation},
	number = {4},
	pages = {387--402},
	title = {{Attitudes Towards the Focus and Style of Political Representation Among Belgian, French and Portuguese Parliamentarians}},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00344893.2012.720884},
	volume = {48},
	year = {2012},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00344893.2012.720884},
	bdsk-url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2012.720884}}

@article{Bowler2016b,
	abstract = {A large body of aggregate-level work shows that government policies do indeed respond to citizen preferences. But whether citizens recognize that government is responsive is another question entirely. Indeed, a prior question is whether or not citizens value responsiveness in the way that academic research assumes they should in the first place. Using comparative data from the European Social Survey, this article examines how citizens see government responsiveness. We show that several key assumptions of the aggregate-level literature are met at the individual level. But we also present results that show that attitudes toward representation and responsiveness are colored, sometimes in quite surprising ways, by winner--loser effects. In a finding that stands in some contrast to the normative literature on the topic, we show that these sorts of short-term attitudes help shape preferences for models of representation. In particular, we show that the distinction between delegates and trustees is a conceptual distinction that has limits in helping us to understand citizen preferences for representation.},
	author = {Bowler, Shaun},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/0010414015626447},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/bowler2017.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {0010-4140},
	journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
	keywords = {delegate,representation,trustee},
	number = {6},
	pages = {766--793},
	title = {{Trustees, Delegates, and Responsiveness in Comparative Perspective}},
	volume = {50},
	year = {2017},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414015626447}}

@article{Bowler2010,
	abstract = {Private Members' Bills are a small but significant part of the UK parliament's legislative work. Many are proposed but few pass into law. This article argues that Private Members' legislation has a broad analogy to constituency service behaviour. In making legislative proposals MPs can cast themselves as active and caring representatives and, in consequence, MPs who make proposals receive a small but significant increase in vote share. This electoral connection also prompts MPs from more marginal seats to be more active in proposing Private Members' Bills. {\textcopyright} 2010 Taylor {\&} Francis.},
	author = {Bowler, Shaun},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1080/13572334.2010.519457},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/bowler2010.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {13572334},
	journal = {Journal of Legislative Studies},
	keywords = {Constituency service,Electoral connection,Marginality,Personal vote,Private members' bill,UK parliament},
	number = {4},
	pages = {476--494},
	title = {{Private Members' Bills in the UK Parliament: Is There An 'Electoral Connection'?}},
	volume = {16},
	year = {2010},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2010.519457}}

@article{Boschetti,
	author = {de Vries, Erik and Schoonvelde, Martijn and Schumacher, Gijs},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/de Vries, Schoonvelde, Schumacher - 2018 - No Longer Lost in Translation. Evidence that Google Translate Works for Comparative Bag-of-Wo.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	keywords = {automated text analysis,bag-of-words,google translate,lda},
	number = {4},
	pages = {417--430},
	title = {{No Longer Lost in Translation. Evidence that Google Translate Works for Comparative Bag-of-Words Text Applications}},
	volume = {26},
	year = {2018}}

@article{Bernauer2014,
	abstract = {In Germany's compensatory mixed electoral system, alternative electoral routes lead into parliament. We study the relationship between candidates' electoral situations across both tiers and policy representation, fully accounting for candidate, party and district preferences in a multi-actor constellation and the exact electoral incentives for candidates to represent either the party or the district. The results (2009 Bundestag election data) yield evidence of an interactive effect of closeness of the district race and list safety on candidates' positioning between their party and constituency. {\textcopyright} 2014 McDougall Trust, London.},
	author = {Bernauer, Julian and Munzert, Simon},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1080/00344893.2014.902221},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/bernauer{\_}munzert2014.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {17494001},
	journal = {Representation},
	number = {1},
	pages = {83--97},
	title = {{Loyal To the Game? Strategic Policy Representation in Mixed Electoral Systems}},
	volume = {50},
	year = {2014},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2014.902221}}

@article{Bengtsson2011,
	abstract = {From the normative point of view, there is a general agreement that representatives should act in line with the interests of those being represented. The knowledge about citizens' preferences for representation is very limited, however. This study examines MP's representative roles from the perspective of the citizens. It utilises a task definition approach in the Finnish institutional setting, which substantially differs from the context of earlier investigations in terms of open-list electoral systems with mandatory preferential voting. Based on the 2007 Finnish National Election Study (n = 1,422), voters' preferences concerning four different representational roles are analysed: as representatives pursuing the interests of their electoral district, party, individual voters or being independent actors. Next, voters' preferences are accounted for by the factors related to each type of representation: citizens' regional electoral context, party attachment and electoral supply, political engagement and political competence, respectively. The results show that citizens living in electoral districts located far away from the political centre or in constituencies where it is more difficult for small parties to win political representation are most prone to prefer regional representation. Similarly, voters who have closer ties with political parties prefer party-centred representation while those who feel less politically efficient favour close ties with their MPs. Education in turn increases the support for a political representative to act independently from the electorate or the party.},
	author = {Bengtsson, {\AA}sa and Wass, Hanna},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.2011.00267.x},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Bengtsson, Wass - 2011 - The Representative Roles of MPs A Citizen Perspective.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1467-9477},
	issn = {00806757},
	journal = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
	number = {2},
	pages = {143--167},
	title = {{The Representative Roles of MPs: A Citizen Perspective}},
	volume = {34},
	year = {2011},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2011.00267.x}}

@article{Bengtsson2010,
	abstract = {Abstract Until recently, voters? views on the representational roles of MPs have been a largely unexplored field in the studies of political behaviour. With the exception of the work by Carman, and Mendez?Lago {\&} Mart{\'{i}}nez, the few existing studies have mainly been conducted in the US and are fairly dated. In this study, we are partly filling this gap by examining voters? views on representational roles in the Finnish open?list PR system with mandatory preferential voting, which is characterized by a strong degree of candidate centeredness. Based on the Finnish national election study 2007 (FSD2138, N = 1,422), we first analyse support for various representational styles most often discussed in the literature, i.e. resemblance, delegation and trustee model, and then account for it through the social and political background of the respondents. The results show that both the delegate and trustee styles of representation are almost equally popular. The support for the different styles of representation is connected to socio?demographic factors and to some extent political integration and orientation. Based on our findings we argue that the Finnish context becomes particularly evident in the heavy investment placed by voters on individual representatives. Finally, more research in the field, and especially development of more nuanced survey instruments are required in order to fully account for the complex nature of citizens? expectations of the representational relationship. Until recently, voters? views on the representational roles of MPs have been a largely unexplored field in the studies of political behaviour. With the exception of the work by Carman, and Mendez?Lago {\&} Mart{\'{i}}nez, the few existing studies have mainly been conducted in the US and are fairly dated. In this study, we are partly filling this gap by examining voters? views on representational roles in the Finnish open?list PR system with mandatory preferential voting, which is characterized by a strong degree of candidate centeredness. Based on the Finnish national election study 2007 (FSD2138, N = 1,422), we first analyse support for various representational styles most often discussed in the literature, i.e. resemblance, delegation and trustee model, and then account for it through the social and political background of the respondents. The results show that both the delegate and trustee styles of representation are almost equally popular. The support for the different styles of representation is connected to socio?demographic factors and to some extent political integration and orientation. Based on our findings we argue that the Finnish context becomes particularly evident in the heavy investment placed by voters on individual representatives. Finally, more research in the field, and especially development of more nuanced survey instruments are required in order to fully account for the complex nature of citizens? expectations of the representational relationship.},
	author = {Bengtsson, {\AA}sa and Wass, Hanna},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1080/17457280903450724},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Bengtsson, Wass - 2010 - Styles of Political Representation What Do Voters Expect.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1745-7289},
	issn = {1745-7289},
	journal = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion {\&} Parties},
	number = {1},
	pages = {55--81},
	title = {{Styles of Political Representation: What Do Voters Expect?}},
	volume = {20},
	year = {2010},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/17457280903450724}}

@article{Benedetto2007,
	author = {Benedetto, Giacomo and Hix, Simon},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Benedetto, Hix - 2007 - The Rejected, the Ejected, and the Dejected Explaining Government Rebels in the 2001-2005 British House of Commo.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
	keywords = {legislative behavior,parliamentary government,roll-call voting},
	number = {7},
	pages = {755--781},
	title = {{The Rejected, the Ejected, and the Dejected: Explaining Government Rebels in the 2001-2005 British House of Commons}},
	url = {http://cps.sagepub.com/content/40/7/755.short},
	volume = {40},
	year = {2007},
	bdsk-url-1 = {http://cps.sagepub.com/content/40/7/755.short}}

@article{Bem1967,
	abstract = {A theory of self-perception is proposed to provide an alternative in- terpretation for several of the major phenomena embraced by Fest- inger's theory of cognitive dissonance and to explicate some of the secondary patterns of data that have appeared in dissonance experi- ments. It is suggested that the attitude statements which comprise the major dependent variables in dissonance experiments may be regarded as interpersonal judgments in which the observer and the observed happen to be the same individual and that it is unnecessary to postu- late an aversive motivational drive toward consistency to account for the attitude change phenomena observed. Supporting experiments are presented, and metatheoretical contrasts between the "radical" be- havioral approach utilized and the phenomenological approach typi- fied by dissonance theory are discussed.},
	author = {Bem, Daryl J.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1037/h0025146},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop//Bem - 1967 - Self-Perception An Alternative Interpretation of Cognitive Dissonance Phenomena.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0033-295X},
	issn = {0033-295X},
	journal = {Psychological Review},
	number = {3},
	pages = {183--200},
	pmid = {5342882},
	title = {{Self-Perception: An Alternative Interpretation of Cognitive Dissonance Phenomena}},
	volume = {74},
	year = {1967},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1037/h0025146}}

@article{Bassili2011,
	abstract = {Attitude strength has been the focus of a huge volume of research in psychology and related sciences for decades. The insights offered by this literature have tremendous value for understanding attitude functioning and structure and for the effective application of the attitude concept in applied settings. This is the first Annual Review of Psychology article on the topic, and it offers a review of theory and evidence regarding one of the most researched strength-related attitude features: attitude importance. Personal importance is attached to an attitude when the attitude is perceived to be relevant to self-interest, social identification with reference groups or reference individuals, and values. Attaching personal importance to an attitude causes crystallizing of attitudes (via enhanced resistance to change), effortful gathering and processing of relevant information, accumulation of a large store of well-organized relevant information in long-term memory, enhanced attitude extremity and accessibility, enhanced attitude impact on the regulation of interpersonal attraction, energizing of emotional reactions, and enhanced impact of attitudes on behavioral intentions and action. Thus, important attitudes are real and consequential psychological forces, and their study offers opportunities for addressing behavioral change.},
	author = {Howe, Lauren C. and Krosnick, Jon A.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1146/annurev-psych-122414-033600},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/howe{\_}krosnick2017.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {9780203838068},
	issn = {0066-4308},
	journal = {Annual Review of Psychology},
	keywords = {attitude,impact,importance,stability,strength},
	month = {jan},
	number = {1},
	pages = {327--351},
	pmid = {17726041},
	title = {{Attitude Strength}},
	volume = {68},
	year = {2017},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-psych-122414-033600}}

@article{Balmas2012,
	abstract = {This article describes two opposing types of political personalization: centralizing and decentralizing personalization. The first implies the centralization of political power in the hands of a few leaders, while the latter indicates a diffusion of group power among its components: individual politicians. We start by proposing definitions of the types and subtypes of centralized and decentralized personalization and review the literature in search of evidence of their occurrence. We then demonstrate the usefulness of the proposed typology by examining personalization trends in various aspects of Israeli politics and conclude with a discussion of the challenges that personalization set for liberal democracies.},
	author = {Balmas, M. and Rahat, G. and Sheafer, T. and Shenhav, S. R.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/1354068811436037},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Balmas et al. - 2014 - Two Routes to Personalized Politics Centralized and Decentralized Personalization.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1354068811436},
	issn = {1354-0688},
	journal = {Party Politics},
	keywords = {candidates,israel,party leaders,selecting leaders},
	number = {1},
	pages = {37--51},
	title = {{Two Routes to Personalized Politics: Centralized and Decentralized Personalization}},
	volume = {20},
	year = {2014},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068811436037}}

@article{Arnesen2019b,
	abstract = {We elicit citizens' preferences over hypothetical candidates by applying conjoint survey experiments within a probability-based online panel of the Norwegian electorate. Our experimental treatments differ in whether citizens receive information about candidates' social characteristics only, candidates' issue positions only, or both. From this, we identify whether citizens are able to infer substantive policy positions from the descriptive characteristics of potential representatives and use that information to make candidate choices that achieve substantive representation. We find that candidate choice is driven more by knowledge about candidates' issue positions than by knowledge about their social characteristics and that citizens value substantive representation more robustly than descriptive representation. Importantly, while the direct experimental test of whether voters use the information they obtain from descriptive markers to choose a candidate that gives them substantive representation is inconclusive, we find that voters form beliefs about candidates' issue positions based solely on candidates' social characteristics.},
	author = {Arnesen, Sveinung and Duell, Dominik and Johannesson, Mikael Poul},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2018.10.005},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/arnesen{\_}et{\_}al2019b.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {02613794},
	journal = {Electoral Studies},
	pages = {46--60},
	publisher = {Elsevier},
	title = {{Do Citizens Make Inferences from Political Candidate Characteristics when Aiming for Substantive Representation?}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2018.10.005},
	volume = {57},
	year = {2019},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2018.10.005}}

@incollection{Andeweg2014,
	abstract = {In no other area of political science is the concept of roles as important as in legislative studies. Roles make political institutions such as parliaments subjective: they are related to positions, but not identical to them. Perceived expectations, personal motivations, and strategic calculations are assumed to differentiate role from position. Eulau and Wahlke's typology of representational roles, inspired by Burke and based on a study of US state legislatures, has long dominated the study of legislative roles. It is criticized on both theoretical and empirical grounds, in particular for its lack of predictive power. Searing's typology, based on an inductive study of the UK House of Commons, has attracted most attention as an alternative. Both seminal studies are ambivalent in their treatment of political parties in their role typologies. It is sometimes argued that role analysis is currently regaining importance in legislative studies because of the renewed attention to institutionalist explanations. This chapter is more skeptical, advocating a move from mere description to theoretically grounded explanation in this field.$\backslash$n},
	author = {Andeweg, Rudy B},
	booktitle = {The Oxford Handbook of Legislative Studies},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199653010.013.0025},
	editor = {Martin, Shane and Saalfeld, Thomas and Str{\o}m, Kaare},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Andeweg - 2014 - Roles in Legislatures.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {9780199653010},
	number = {August 2017},
	pages = {267--285},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{Roles in Legislatures}},
	year = {2014},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199653010.013.0025}}

@article{Andeweg2005,
	abstract = {The mandate-independence controversy still features prominently in studies of political representation even though the problems with its theoretical foundation and empirical operationalization have long been recognized. This article proposes an alternative typology of modes of representation. By combining type of control (ex ante or ex post) with direction of the interactions (bottom-up or top-down), our study captures the most important aspects of the relationship between voters and representatives. We demonstrate how the typology can be used in a survey instrument by comparing the attitudes toward representation of Dutch members of Parliament with the attitudes held by voters, and by relating the views of the members to their behavior.},
	author = {Andeweg, Rudy B. and Thomassen, Jacques J. A.},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.3162/036298005X201653},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Andeweg, Thomassen - 2005 - Modes of Political Representation Toward a New Typology.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1939-9162},
	issn = {03629805},
	journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
	number = {4},
	pages = {507--528},
	title = {{Modes of Political Representation: Toward a New Typology}},
	url = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/3598548{\%}5Cnhttp://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/3598548.pdf?acceptTC=true},
	volume = {30},
	year = {2005},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.3162/036298005X201653}}

@book{Anderson2006b,
	address = {New York},
	author = {Anderson, Benedict},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	pages = {240},
	publisher = {Verso Books},
	title = {{Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism}},
	year = {2006}}

@article{Adams2013,
	abstract = {Several recent spatial modeling studies incorporate valence issues---e.g., voters' evaluations of the candidates' competence, integrity, and charisma---that may give one of the candidates an electoral advantage that is independent of his policy positions. However to date all such models assume that while voters value positive valence characteristics, the candidates themselves do not.We develop a spatialmodel where the candidates are valence- seeking, i.e.---like the voters---the candidates prefer that the winning candidate possess qual- ities, such as integrity, diligence, and competence, that will enhance his job performance. We analyze a spatial model where the candidates value both the valence qualities and the policies of the winning candidate, and we show that the candidates' optimal policy choices typically diverge as the valence differential between them increases, and in particular that the valence-disadvantaged candidate normally has incentives to become more extreme as the valence advantage of her opponent increases.},
	author = {Adams, James and Merrill, Samuel},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1007/s11127-011-9845-4},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Adams, Merrill - 2013 - Policy-Seeking Candidates Who Value the Valence Attributes of the Winner.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00485829},
	journal = {Public Choice},
	keywords = {Elections,Representation,Spatial models,Valence},
	number = {1-2},
	pages = {139--161},
	title = {{Policy-Seeking Candidates Who Value the Valence Attributes of the Winner}},
	volume = {155},
	year = {2013},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-011-9845-4}}

@article{Aarts2008,
	abstract = {Previous research has shown that people in consensual democracies with a proportional electoral system are more satisfied with the functioning of democracy in their country than people in majoritarian democracies. We assess to what extent this relationship can be explained by people's perception of the accountability and representativeness of the political system in their country. Our findings show that people's satisfaction with democracy primarily depends on their perception of the representation function, and to a lesser degree on the accountability function. Surprisingly, perceived accountability rather than representation is enhanced by a proportional-type electoral system. Moreover, our evaluative measure of satisfaction with democracy is negatively related to proportional electoral systems. The macro-level satisfaction with democracy is primarily affected by the age of the democracy one lives in. ?? 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.},
	author = {Aarts, Kees and Thomassen, Jacques},
	date-added = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-30 12:26:51 +0100},
	doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2007.11.005},
	file = {:Users/christopherwratil/Documents/Mendeley Desktop/Aarts, Thomassen - 2008 - Satisfaction with Democracy Do Institutions Matter.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0261-3794},
	issn = {02613794},
	journal = {Electoral Studies},
	keywords = {Accountability,Elections,Electoral systems,Legitimacy,Political representation,Satisfaction with democracy},
	number = {1},
	pages = {5--18},
	title = {{Satisfaction with Democracy: Do Institutions Matter?}},
	volume = {27},
	year = {2008},
	bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2007.11.005}}
